Rights of Man, Common Sense, and Other Political WritingsOUP Oxford, 16/07/1998 - 544 páginas `An army of principles will penetrate where an army of soldiers cannot . . . it will march on the horizon of the world and it will conquer.' Thomas Paine was the first international revolutionary. His Common Sense (1776) was the most widely read pamphlet of the American Revolution; his Rights of Man (1791-2) was the most famous defence of the French Revolution and sent out a clarion call for revolution throughout the world. He paid the price for his principles: he was outlawed in Britain, narrowly escaped execution in France, and was villified as an atheist and a Jacobin on his return to America. Paine loathed the unnatural inequalities fostered by the hereditary and monarchical systems. He believed that government must be by and for the people and must limit itself to the protection of their natural rights. But he was not a libertarian: from a commitment to natural rights he generated one of the first blueprints for a welfare state, combining a liberal order of civil rights with egalitarian constraints. This collection brings together Paine's most powerful political writings from the American and French revolutions in the first fully annotated edition of these works. ABOUT THE SERIES: For over 100 years Oxford World's Classics has made available the widest range of literature from around the globe. Each affordable volume reflects Oxford's commitment to scholarship, providing the most accurate text plus a wealth of other valuable features, including expert introductions by leading authorities, helpful notes to clarify the text, up-to-date bibliographies for further study, and much more. |
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Página 15
... equals , no one by birth could have a right to set up his own family in perpetual preference to all others for ever , and though himself might deserve some decent degree of honors of his contemporaries , yet his descendants might be far ...
... equals , no one by birth could have a right to set up his own family in perpetual preference to all others for ever , and though himself might deserve some decent degree of honors of his contemporaries , yet his descendants might be far ...
Página 28
... equal to the expence of blood and treasure we have been already put to . The object contended for , ought always to bear some just proportion to the expence . The removal of North , * or the whole detestable junto , is a matter unworthy ...
... equal to the expence of blood and treasure we have been already put to . The object contended for , ought always to bear some just proportion to the expence . The removal of North , * or the whole detestable junto , is a matter unworthy ...
Página 32
... equal . Their business wholly domestic , and subject to the authority of a Continental Congress . Let each colony be divided into six , eight , or ten , convenient districts , each district to send a proper number of delegates to ...
... equal . Their business wholly domestic , and subject to the authority of a Continental Congress . Let each colony be divided into six , eight , or ten , convenient districts , each district to send a proper number of delegates to ...
Página 41
... equal to any in the world . Cannon we can cast at pleasure . Saltpetre and gunpowder we are every day producing , Our knowledge is hourly improving . Resolution is our inherent character , and courage hath never yet forsaken us ...
... equal to any in the world . Cannon we can cast at pleasure . Saltpetre and gunpowder we are every day producing , Our knowledge is hourly improving . Resolution is our inherent character , and courage hath never yet forsaken us ...
Página 43
... equal representation ; and there is no political matter which more deserves our attention . A small number of electors , or a small number of representatives , are equally a а > dangerous . But if the number of the COMMON SENSE 43.
... equal representation ; and there is no political matter which more deserves our attention . A small number of electors , or a small number of representatives , are equally a а > dangerous . But if the number of the COMMON SENSE 43.
Índice
| 1 | |
AMERICAN CRISIS I | 61 |
AMERICAN CRISIS XIII | 72 |
LETTER TO JEFFERSON | 79 |
RIGHTS OF MAN | 83 |
RIGHTS OF MAN Part the Second | 199 |
INTRODUCTION | 210 |
CHAPTER I Of Society and Civilization | 214 |
CHAPTER IV Of Constitutions | 238 |
CHAPTER V Ways and Means of reforming the political Condition of Europe interspersed with Miscellaneous Observations | 263 |
Appendix | 327 |
LETTER ADDRESSED TO THE ADDRESSERS ON THE LATE PROCLAMATION | 333 |
DISSERTATION ON THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT | 385 |
AGRARIAN JUSTICE | 409 |
Abbreviations | 435 |
Index | 497 |
CHAPTER II Of the Origin of the present old Governments | 220 |
CHAPTER III Of the new and old Systems of Government | 223 |
Outras edições - Ver tudo
Rights of Man, Common Sense, and Other Political Writings Thomas Paine Pré-visualização limitada - 1998 |
Rights of Man, Common Sense, and Other Political Writings Thomas Paine Pré-visualização limitada - 2008 |
Palavras e frases frequentes
Addresses admitted America amount appear authority become begin better Britain Burke called cause character circumstances civil common condition consequence considered constitution continue Court effect elected England English equal established Europe executive exist expence force former France French give ground hands hath hereditary History House human hundred idea individual interest King known land less liberty live London Lord manner matter means ment millions monarchy National Assembly natural necessary never object operation opinion origin Paine Paine's Parliament party passed persons political poor pounds practice present principles produce proposed reason reference Reflections reform remain representative respect Revolution sense shew shillings society succession taken taxes thing thousand tion whole writing