what is general, and, in some respects, common to the whole, and necessary to a proper view of the revolution. All that was valuable in the author's history of the American revolution, is incorporated in this work. To it a view of the civil and military history of the colonies anteriour to the revolution is prefixed; and a history of the United States, from the peace of 1783 to the year 1808, is subjoined. From the last period, the history is continued to the close of the late war, by the Rev. Dr. Smith, late president of the college in New Jersey, and other literary gentlemen.

Our respect for the author, and sympathies with his orphan family, induce us to subjoin the following Note, which bespeaks a patronage, that will be not less honourary to the one, than kindly to the other. The profits of this work are to be applied exclusively to the education and support of the numerous family of the author, whose only patrimony is the reputation of their father and his valuable manuscripts. Dr. Ramsay left eight children, four sons and four daughters; of these, all the sons are minors. It is to be hoped that the generous feelings of the American people will be excited in behalf of the family of a man, whose whole life was devoted to the service of his country."

The plan of the first volume is well adapted to its professed design, which was, to give a general view of colonial history, antecedently to the American revolution. In the execution, however, there is no proportionate regard to the several colonies. Maryland, for example, occupies but four pages, and South Carolina but one page and a half, while New Hampshire fills out nearly fifty pages, too great a proportion, of which is a transcript from Belknap's details of Indian wars and depredations. Where the history of a colony is wanting, a general historian has a good apology for brevity. The early history of Maryland by Bozman, published in 1814, came out, probably, too late to enrich that article. For South Carolina the author refers us to his own history of that state; but, though delicacy might restrain him from repeating much of what he had before published, concerning the state to which he belonged, a fuller view, even here, of so important a colony were desirable. A thorough knowledge of American history cannot, indeed, be obtained, but from the local histories of the several colonies; yet, in a retrospective survey of them, with reference to their ultimate formation into independent states, some regard should be had to their intrinsick and relative importance.

The materials of this volume are drawn from authentick sources. Dr. Ramsay was well acquainted with the primitive history of New England, and rose above provincial prejudices. He was neither beguiled by the general accuracy of Chalmers, to imbibe his prepossessions; nor seduced by the classick elegance of Robertson, to copy his mistakes. If the reader be merely inquisitive after historical truth, he may be satisfied with an assurance, that the author has been careful and judicious in the selection of his authorities, though he has seldom seen fit to name them. Such an omission, especially where large and numerous paragraphs are literally copied from preceding writers, we cannot but think excep-tionable. Had the author more uniformly taken the materials, and wrought them up with his own skilful hand, his work would have had greater symmetry in its parts, and more uniformity in its style. A handsome edifice might, doubtless, be constructed by dilapidations from the Temple at Ephesus, the Lyceum at Athens, and the Pantheon at Rome; it would not, however, escape the strictures of a connoisseur, who could trace the marble to its quarry, distinguish the diversity of style and orders of architecture, and assign the component parts to their original fabricks. Similar strictures might here be easily made; but we content ourselves with discountenancing a method of compiling history, which tends to cramp genius, to prevent originality of composition, to make, in short, mere copyists, instead of such historians as have rendered Greece and Rome immortal. We know Thucydides and Xenophon, Livy and Tacitus, even in fragments. Every historian should have his own character, and preserve it. Dr. Ramsay had no need of plagiarism. He had judgment and skill, and was master of an excellent historick style. His professional and other engagements might not allow him to do more with his materials; and it may have been his intention to give the authorities. In the History of the Revolution, his originality sufficiently appears; and the grace, which it imparts to that portion of the work, makes us the more regret, that it did not accompany the whole. Compilation may resemble the bird, in fable, bedecked with foreign plumes; but this indulgence is not given to a work, claiming to be original. History should resemble the Nile, that receives, indeed, numerous tributary currents, but intermingles them in one undistinguishable and majestick stream.

To these remarks, extorted from us by a regard to present literary justice, and to future literary improvement, it is with pleasure we add, that so much of the colonial history is given in the first of these volumes, as to prepare the reader, who has not either opportunity, or leisure, for consulting the local histories of the colonies, to enter with advantage upon the subsequent narrative of the rise, progress, and termination of the revolutionary war. This portion of the history, comprised chiefly in the second volume, is substantially the same, that was previously published in two small octavo volumes, but improved in the arrangement, and by occasional additions. The character of this part of the work is so well established, that we respectfully pass by it, simply expressing our belief, that it will always hold a distinguished rank in the historical productions of our country.

Of the last volume, nine chapters were written by Dr. Ramsay. The three first of these chapters complete the revolutionary history, to which succeeds the Civil History of the United States. In this additional history the author appears, again, in his own original character, and is highly interesting. A clear account is given of the origin, completion, and adoption of the Constitution of the United States; of the principles, policy, and measures of the national government; and of the most important occurrences in our domestick and foreign relations. The wisdom of the statesman, the patriotism of the citizen, and the fidelity of the historian, are every where apparent. The candour of Dr. Ramsay deserves. peculiar commendation. Though of strict republican principles, he gives a very impartial account of Jay's treaty, of the inflammable affair of Genet, and of the extraordinary mission to France. His concluding remark on that treaty, which, at the time, was pronounced by many to be pregnant with evil, is worthy of a Christian historian; This magnanimous policy closed all grounds of controversy, growing out of the war of the revolution. The beneficial effects, resulting therefrom, evinced the wisdom of accommodating disputes by moderation and reciprocal concession, in preference to deciding them by the sword.'

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The manner, in which the subject of impressments is treated, is highly honourable to the author's feelings, judgment, and principles.

• Good humour began to return between the two countries; but it was not of long duration. One impediment stood in the way of

a perfectly good understanding. The right of searching American ships, and of impressing British sailors from them, is so strongly claimed by one, and so firmly resisted by the other, that a compromise, on middle ground, is next to impossible. Both are right, on the principles they, respectively, adopt. To the right of expatriation and the freedom of the Ocean, the Americans, from principle and interest, are friendly. On the same grounds, the British are opposed to both, and claim their native sailors, whereever found, as national property. Proceeding on these ideas, the British search neutral vessels, and impress from them such sailors, as are supposed to be born within the limits of their empire. The Americans are tenacious of their sovereignty; the British of their existence, which they consider as involved in the support of their navy. From the collisions of principles and interest, there is an increased irritation kept up between the two countries, whenever Britain is involved in war, and her peace endangered, by the indiscreet or arbitrary conduct of wrong-headed individuals. With the most honest intentions, frequent mistakes must unavoidable happen. This results from the sameness of language, and often of dialect. It is a well-known fact, that the American born children, of Irish and Scotch emigrants to the United States, often retain so much of the peculiar accent of their parents, that they might honestly be mistaken, for natives of Scotland or Ireland. In deciding on the political condition of these and others, questions both of law and fact are determined by hot-headed naval officers, acting as judges, juries, and executioners. From their decisions there is no appeal.' pp. 81, 82.

The remarks and counsels, at the close of the twentyninth and thirty-third chapters, deserve the attention of United America. The following is the conclusion of the last chapter, written by Dr. Ramsay.

That peace has been preserved, between the United States and Britain, for the twenty-five years subsequently to the treaty of 1783, proves the general practicability of avoiding war. It seldom happens, that there are so many points of irritation, as existed between the two countries, for nearly the whole of that period. Britain viewed the Americans as ungrateful subjects, who, by the interference of the French, had succeeded in an unprovoked rebellion. The latter considered the former as, at first, an unkind stepinother; afterwards, a cruel enemy; next, a bad neighbour; and, lastly, an insolent, overbearing, naval power, hostile to equal maritime rights. Each charged the other with having broken the treaty. The British denounced the Americans, as a people devoid of common honesty, in neglecting the payment of

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their just debts. The latter retorted, that the former, in violation of the treaty of 1783, retained, for twelve years, possession of military posts, within the United States; illegally captured their vessels; impressed their seamen; encouraged the Indians to deeds of desolation and murder; and the Barbary powers, in their piratical expeditions. For several years, hatred to England, and good wishes for the successes of her enemy and rival, France, extensively prevailed. With all these, and other excitements to contention, the relations of peace were preserved between the two countries. As this has been effected, in opposition to so many obstacles, by a spirit of accommodation, final justice, and temporary forbearance. no doubt can exist of the practicability, in most cases, of extinguishing wars, in embryo, if nations, generally, in their intercourse with each other, guided themselves by these noble principles.

Pursuing this line of conduct, the United States, with the exception of petty wars with barbarians, on their own frontier, and on the coast of Africa, have been preserved in peace, ever since the termination of their revolution, from colonies to states. For the greatest part of this period, equal to the quarter of a century, the nations of Europe have been drenched in blood. The men, destroyed by their wars, would have constituted nations. The treasure expended would have converted wildernesses into gardens; swamps and marshes into fertile fields. It would have levelled or perforated mountains; extended inland navigation, to an incalculable extent; connected rivers, lakes, seas, and oceans with each other; and, in a variety of ways, promoted human happiness. While they were wasting their energies, in mutual destruction, the citizens of the United States, enjoying the blessings of peace, have been employed in making arrangements for the diffusion of knowledge and religion; in reforming and improving their civil institutions, for the better government of their people. Their population has increased, from three millions to six; their commerce, from small beginnings, to be superior to that of every other nation in the world, one only excepted. Their revenue has increased, from an inconsiderable sum to the annual amount of sixteen millions of dollars. Their exports have nearly doubled in price, and trebled in quantity ;- while their manufactures were daily extending. Such have been the effects of peace and independence in America. Happy citizens of the United States! thrice happy will you be, if you continue to walk in the paths of peace, and prudence, and virtue, which you have hitherto trodden.' pp. 86-88.

The editor having supplied what the author had omitted, on the Relations of the United States with the Barbary Powers,

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