when it is over-a country that has renewed its youth and is resolved to slough off the cosmopolitan slime which until recently choked us. There will be many changes for the better, including let us hope, the elimination of the British Jackass who believes everything he should disbelieve and disbelieves everything he should believe-especially a change in our attitude towards undesirable aliens who exploit their privileged position to our detriment. Our motto during the war is "Never again." It is a fight to a finish. We must destroy Prussian Junkerdom unless we would be destroyed by it. In the same way it must be "Never again" at the close of the war. "Never again can we allow ourselves to be hocussed and bossed by German Jews or crypto Jews. Their credentials will be jealously scrutinised and until they have given some earnest of British patriotism they must not be surprised if they are regarded askance. It is asserted that many German names in the City and elsewhere, are being Anglicised. These are superficial changes. It is less a change of name than a change of heart and disposition that are required. Cosmopolitan Jews who elect to take up their abode in this country where they live on the fat of the land and make huge fortunes at the cost of our countrymen must unreservedly, and without arrière-pensée throw in their lot with us and must cease looking to Potsdam or any other centre of disturbance for political inspiration.

Things cannot go on as they have been. To take a simple illustration. It is not tolerable that the London Money market should be utilised except for British purposes, i.e. to support British interests which necessarily include the interests of our allies. Lord Rothschild is a man of unquestionable patriotism, who has given many pledges of the faith that is in him. But finance has its own code, international rather than national, and its ramifications occasionally lose themselves in devious paths. Many of us resented the flotation of a Hungarian loan in London last February, under the auspices of the House of Rothschild, acting it is alleged in conjunction with the House of Schröder at the head of which is no less a person than Baron Bruno Schröder, who was understood to be a heart-whole German making no concealment of his sympathies. Baron Bruno Schröder is stated to have waited until the eve of war before becoming

a naturalised Englishman-a measure presumably adopted for business purposes, as it was hardly the moment a patriotic German would select to change his nationality. One of Baron Bruno Schröder's nearest relations is stated to be fighting with the Huns, which would entitle this newly naturalised Englishman to our sympathy. But we also are entitled to something, and we should like to know whether the House of Schröder was aware when "placing" this Pan-Germanic loan with British investors, that the Dual Monarchy was about to go on the warpath? In any case the Schröders can scarcely have been ignorant of the fact that Hungary is the docile ally and "brilliant second" of Germany, that she only needed money to spend on armaments, that her Dreadnoughts are virtually German Dreadnoughts, and that the expansion of the navy of the Dual Monarchy is a menace to British sea-power in the Mediterranean. To the unsophisticated it seems hardly "cricket" that these pro-German Schröders should provide the sinews of war to potential enemies in cooperation with pro-British Rothschilds. Such an incident could not occur in any capital but London, and it may be doubted whether it will occur here again for many a long day. One may be told that it was only natural that the Rothschilds should finance Austria-Hungary owing to their intimate relations with Vienna, and it will be pointed out that Baron Alfred Rothschild, who according to Who's Who holds high German and Austrian decorations, was until lately Consul-General for the Dual Monarchy in London. Quite so. This emphasises my point. It does not seem to an ordinary man in the street unversed in the ways of la haute finance, that one member of a firm should be ConsulGeneral to one of the Germanic Powers, while other members of the same firm are confidential advisers of the British Government. It is altogether too complicated. Mr. Alfred Rothschild was presumably in Downing Street on the eve of war, while the number of firms with foreign names and foreign interests who succeeded in having a say at this crisis of our fate was positively alarming. We can scarcely be surprised at the panic-stricken advice they tendered to a Government not suffering from any surfeit of heroism. There has been altogether too much backstairs diplomacy of late years, and its entire apparatus has been working in German interests. It was an

active and powerful factor during the "black week" ending August 1, when Sir Edward Grey found himself totally unable to give those assurances of support to our present allies which alone offered any serious prospect of preserving the peace of Europe.

That unofficial financial agents of Germany over-reached themselves like her official agents goes without saying but no country has the right to run the risks we habitually do, by tolerating this perilous power behind the Government of the day, able at critical moments to throw its sinister influence against British honour and British interests

III. A SEMITIC SYMPOSIUM

GERMANY learnt her last lesson in the solidarity of the Triple Entente in the summer of 1911 on the occasion of the despatch of the Panther to Agadir, a delectable port on the Atlantic coast of Morocco. This incident developed into a disagreeable surprise to its authors. Germany was convinced on information received" from the usual quarters, that the moment was favourable for a diplomatic demonstration, and that even if the experiment produced a conflict it would be confined to a duel between herself and France, whom ex hypothesi she would have little difficulty in polishing off. Russia would presumably sulk in her tent as she had been inadequately supported by the Western Powers during the Near Eastern crisis of 1908-9, when the German Emperor had scored an inexpensive victory by standing in shining armour by the side of his Austrian ally, who, there is reason to believe, would have cheerfully dispensed with his unsought services. Russia had been deeply humiliated. Neither France nor Great Britain had been solicitous on her behalf. She would assuredly give France her tit-for-tat by leaving her in the lurch over Agadir. What was Morocco to her or she to Morocco ?

Great Britain was reported from London as being completely under the heel of the Potsdam and Pacifist Party, and was moreover absorbed in one of her perennial domestic crises. It was "a well-selected moment" for a German coup, which, not unlike other German coups, was a complete fiasco. Russia and Great Britain instinctively realised that the challenge to France was a challenge to themselves, and spontaneously rallied to her support the moment the German Emperor began rattling his sabre. The Emperor of Russia informed the French Ambassador in St. Petersburg that he was ready to discharge his obligations as a faithful ally. Then came the unkindest cut of all. Mr. Lloyd George, who had been relied upon by Berlin to paralyse Great Britain, constituted himself the champion of British honour and interests, and by a few well-chosen words in the City shattered

Imperial expectations and showed that loyalty was not yet dead in this country. France, who for nearly fifty years has had to bear the brunt of German bullying, as usual behaved splendidly. Though unfortunate in her Government, which was under the auspices of M. Caillaux, she valiantly confronted the Napoleon of Potsdam, who incontinently collapsed. Germany would reculer pour mieux sauter.

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Agadir was a peculiarly nasty knock for our Potsdam Party, who had even an exaggerated idea of the attitude of official England. Happily for us, Ministers had occasion to go beyond words, though the military authorities wisely took advantage of the crisis to take certain precautionary measures, which have since borne good fruit. There is, however, reason to believe that the question of supporting France never came before the Cabinet, as Germany piped down directly she read Mr. Lloyd George's speech. Matters had remained in the region of speeches, so we were all right. For a time one could look Frenchmen in the face. Public opinion in France was incensed by the conduct of M. Caillaux, who was accused of conducting private diplomatic negotiations behind the back of French ambassadors and the French Foreign Office, the revelation of which before a Senatorial Committee, of which M. Clemenceau was chief executioner, resulted in the temporary retirement of a sinister figure, though, unfortunately for his country, he cropped up again.

Our Potsdam Party systematically set to work to retrieve the situation. When the Agadir incident had blown over there was a tremendous amount of backstairs business, in which Germans and pro-Germans, especially German Jews, are adept. In the beginning of 1912 Anglo-German intrigue was rampant. With his usual weakness Sir Edward Grey, whose attitude had been unimpeachable during the crisis, allowed his insidious friend Lord Haldane-who has a passion for limelight, especially international limelight, vainly imagining that his special gift is to fool other people, whereas it consists in being made a fool ofto go on a Special Mission to Berlin, which was boomed in the papers as an epoch-making European event. The Foreign Office forgot that Germany was represented by a duly accredited Ambassador in London, Great Britain being similarly represented