inconvenience of receiving any goods from abroad, which we can anywise raise on as good terms ourselves; and, as this should be done to prevent every nation from finding their account with us by any such commodities whatsoever, so this would more effectually shut out all such foreign goods than any law can do.

"And as this is all the prohibitions and restraints whereby any foreign trade should be obstructed, so, if this method were observed, our gentry would find themselves the richer, notwithstanding their consumption of such other foreign goods as, being the peculiarities of other nations, we may be obliged to import. For if, when we have thus raised all we can at home, the goods we import after this is done cheaper than we can raise such goods ourselves, (which they must be, otherwise we shall not import them,) it is plain the consumption of any such goods cannot occasion so great an expense as they would, if we could shut them out by an act of parliament, in order to raise them ourselves.

"From hence, therefore, it must appear, that it is impossible anybody should be poorer for using any foreign goods at cheaper rates than we can raise them ourselves, after we have done all we possibly can to raise such goods as cheap as we import them, and find we cannot do it; nay, this very circumstance makes all such goods come under the character of the peculiarities of those countries which are able to raise any such goods cheaper than we can do, for they will necessarily operate as such."*

The same author, in another part of his work, states a maxim of Erasmus Philips, which he calls a glorious one; that “a trading nation should be an open warehouse, where the merchant may buy what he pleases, and sell what he can. Whatever is brought to you, if you don't want it you won't purchase it, and if you do want it, the largeness of the impost won't keep it from you."+

In this quotation, an argument for a free commerce all over

* [Money Answers all Things, &c., pp. 97-99.-See below, Vol. X. p. 89.] + [Ibid. p. 45.]

the globe, is founded on the same principles on which Mr. Smith has demonstrated the beneficial effects of the division of labour among the members of the same community. The happiness of the whole race would, in fact, be promoted by the former arrangement in a manner exactly analogous to that by which the comforts of a particular nation are advanced by the latter. A general division of labour would thus take place among the different tribes of men, prompting each to cultivate to the utmost whatever productions the nature of its situation pointed out as the most profitable. The consequence would be, an augmentation, on the whole, of the productive powers of human industry, and a proportional enlargement of the means of individual enjoyment.

Though, however, these liberal and enlightened ideas concerning trade had long ago occurred to various writers of eminence, both in this country and on the Continent of Europe, it is only of late years, and particularly since the publication of the Wealth of Nations, that they have obtained a complete triumph, in the judgment of all candid and well-informed men, over the selfish but deep-rooted prejudices of the ancient system.

Attempts, indeed, are still occasionally made to mislead the multitude on various particular questions connected with the general principles of freedom, but by not one writer of respectable talents and character, who has appeared since the time of Mr. Smith. On the contrary, all over Europe, the uniformity of opinion on this fundamental doctrine of Political Economy becomes every day more and more prevalent, even among those who differ most widely on other branches of the science. In England, in particular, the most honourable testimony to the soundness of Mr. Smith's speculative principles, has been repeatedly borne by the leaders of the two great parties which have so long divided the nation, and they have not been altogether without some practical influence on the measures of our government. In what light the same system is now viewed by those politicians abroad, who are the most friendly to the interests of this country, may be collected from the work of

Mr. Gentz, On the State of Europe before and after the French Revolution,-an author certainly entitled to a high rank among the speculative statesmen of the present day, and who has drawn on himself no small share of odium from his countrymen for his supposed partiality to the public measures of Great Britain since the fall of the French monarchy.

"Le véritable intérêt de l'Europe prise en masse demande toujours le plus grand développement possible des forces et des facultés de chacune des nations qui en font partie. Si la Russie et le Portugal emploient des capitaux et des ouvriers Anglais pour vivifier leurs fabriques intérieures, une circonstance si peu naturelle suppose un vice quelconque dans le système de leur industrie ou même une organisation entièrement défectueuse si ces défauts pouvaient disparaître, non seulement les nations qui y sont immédiatement intéressées y trouveraient leur avantage, mais encore en vertue de l'enchaînement général qui lie toutes les forces productives de l'Europe entr'elles, cet avantage réjaillirait sur toutes les autres nations.

"Mais tant que cette amélioration radicale n'aura pas lieu, il est évidemment et incontestablement avantageux, non seulement pour les pays qui ont besoin de travail et de capitaux étrangers, mais même pour le système général de l'industrie Européenne, que les forces et les moyens de l'Angleterre suppléent à ce que manque ailleurs. Le mal ne serait-il pas infiniment plus grave, si ces champs de l'activité humaine, que cultivent et fécondent aujourdhui le travail et les capitaux Anglais, demeuraient entièrement sans culture? Ce mal là serait absolu, celui-ci n'est que relatif; celui-ci n'est un mal qu'en tant qu'il en suppose d'autres plus réels; à tout autre égard il est un bien.”*

In another passage of the same book, he avails himself of the same doctrine, in replying to the systematical and accredited attempts which have been made of late years, by various French writers, to hold up to the general indignation of the world the commercial and maritime greatness of this country.

"Il est de l'intérêt bien entendu de l'Europe que toutes les *[De l'Etat de l'Europe, &c., Partie III. chap. iv. p. 338, seq., orig. edit.]

parties qui la composent, que tous les Etats cultivateurs, manufacturiers ou commerçans parviennent au plus haut degré de prospérité possible. Il est donc, et il sera dans toutes les circonstances, de l'intérêt bien entendu de l'Europe, que chaque nation participe à la richesse générale de l'univers, et par conséquent aussi aux possessions coloniales et au commerce des deux Indes, autant, et s'il se peut, ni plus, ni moins, que le demandent sa situation particulière, les besoins de son industrie, ses dispositions, ses facultés, et le développement le plus complet de toutes ses forces productives.

"Sous ce point de vue élevé, ce sera toujours le vœu non seulement de l'ami de l'humanité qui s'intéresse au bien de tous les peuples, mais encore de l'homme d'état éclairé, qui connaît l'enchaînement des lois qui forment l'économie générale de l'univers, qu'à la fin de la guerre actuelle, toute nation propre au commerce maritime rentre en jouissance de sa juste mesure de domination, de commerce et d'industrie coloniale. Mais qu'on se garde bien de confondre ce point de vue élevé, avec celui non moins faux que retréci, qui sert de base aux plaintes qu'on entend s'élever de toute part contre la supériorité commerciale des Anglais. Le premier est entièrement étranger aux auteurs de ces plaintes. S'il avait pu être saisi, s'il avait pu être seulement soupçonné par la multitude, il y a longtemps que les déclamations contre l'Angleterre auraient cessé de se faire entendre."*

Of these attempts, that which has excited the most general attention is an anonymous tract published at Paris in the latter part of the year 1800, under the title of L'Etat de la France à la fin de l'an VIII. The reputed author of this publication is M. Hauterive. In opposition to his reasonings M. Gentz endeavours to show, with great force of argument, that there is gradually established, in the progress of commerce, a reciprocity of interests among nations as well as among individuals; that the commercial greatness of England is, in reality, an active principle of the industry, and a fruitful source of the present and future riches of all nations; that the only method * [Ibid. p. 329, seq., orig. edit.]

of diminishing that greatness, which is either just or expedient, is to promote and encourage the same activity in other countries; and that the project of destroying by violence the foundations of Britain's prosperity, must ultimately prove its authors to be enemies to the general welfare of Europe.

The following remarks, which form part of M. Gentz's disquisitions on this article, may convey a general idea of the spirit which animates this very able performance, and may furnish no unsuitable appendix to the faint outline which I have endeavoured to give of Mr. Smith's doctrines with regard to the freedom of trade :

"Une amélioration dans l'administration intérieure de tous les Etats, une législation sage et libérale, plus d'attention à veiller aux intérêts du commerce et de l'industrie, à approfondir les sources de la véritable prosperité des nations. Toutes ces propositions, tous ces plans d'une réforme fondamentale dans le système économique de l'Europe, sont sûrs d'obtenir le suffrage de tous les gens éclairés comme de tous les amis du bien. Béni soit le gouvernement qui les embrassera dans toute leur étendue! et grâces soient rendus à l'écrivain qui aurait reçu assez de force et d'éloquence en partage, pour arracher à leur assoupissement ceux qui jusqu'ici ont manqué ou de sens pour les comprendre, ou de volonté pour les mettre en pratique ! C'est avec ces armes, mais avec elles seules que l'Europe doit combattre l'Angleterre ! Sans doute que le résultat d'une pareille lutte ne répondra ni aux attentes malicieuses de l'envie, ni aux vœux insensés de la crédule ignorance, d'une politique mercantile mal entendue, d'une cupidité qui se contredit et se détruit elle-même, en courant après des avantages chimériques. La supériorité commerciale des Anglais ne sera pas anéantie par cela que toutes les autres nations de l'Europe s'éleveront à un plus haut degré de perfection. Mais toutes posséderont ce qui leur revient toutes par un sage et libre emploi de leur activité déployeront les forces qui leur sont propres, dans l'ordre, dans le degré et sous les conditions que la nature et leur position leur ont assignés; toutes seront grandes, toutes seront fortes, toutes seront puissantes, et de leur propre grandeur, et force et