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VII.

THE Common advantages which every empire-cCHAP. derives from the provinces fubject to its dominion, confift, firft, in the military force which they furnish for its defence; and, fecondly, in the revenue which they furnish for the fupport of its civil government. The Roman colonies furnished occafionally both the one and the other. The Greek colonies, fometimes, furnished a military force; but feldom any revenue. They feldom acknowledged themselves fubject to the dominion of the mother city. They were generally her allies in war, but very feldom her fubjects in peace.

THE European colonies of America have never yet furnished any military force for the defence of the mother country. Their military force has never yet been fufficient for their own defence; and in the different wars in which the mother countries have been engaged, the defence of their colonies has generally occafioned a very confiderable distraction of the military force of thofe countries. In this refpect, therefore, all, the European colonies have, without exception, been a cause rather of weakness than of strength to their respective mother countries.

THE Colonies of Spain and Portugal only have contributed any revenue towards the defence of the mother country, or the fupport of her civil government. The taxes which have been levied upon those of other European nations, upon thofe of England in particular, have feldom been equal to the expence laid out upon them in time of peace, and never fufficient to defray that

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BOOK which they occafioned in time of war. Such IV. colonies, therefore, have been a fource of expence and not of revenue to their respective mother

countries.

THE advantages of fuch colonies to their refpective mother countries, confift altogether in thofe peculiar advantages which are supposed to refult from provinces of fo very peculiar a nature as the European colonies of America; and the exclufive trade, it is acknowledged, is the fole fource of all thofe peculiar advantages.

IN confequence of this exclufive trade, all that part of the furplus produce of the English colonies, for example, which confifts in what are called enumerated commodities, can be fent to no other country but England. Other countries muft afterwards buy it of her. It must be cheaper therefore in England than it can be in any other country, and must contribute more to increase the enjoyments of England than those of any other country. It muft likewife contribute more to encourage her industry. For all thofe parts of her own furplus of her own furplus produce which England exchanges for thofe enumerated commodities, fhe muft get a better price than any other countries can get for the like parts of theirs, when they exchange them for the fame commodities. The manufactures of England, for example, will purchase a greater quantity of the fugar and tobacco of her own colonies, than the like manufactures of other countries can purchafe of that fugar and tobacco. So far, therefore, as the manufactures of England and thofe

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of other countries are both to be exchanged for CHA P. the fugar and tobacco of the English colonies, this fuperiority of price gives an encouragement to the former, beyond what the latter can in these circumstances enjoy. The exclufive trade of the colonies, therefore, as it diminishes, or, at leaft, keeps down below what they would otherwife rife to, both the enjoyments and the industry of the countries which do not poffefs it; fo it gives an evident advantage to the countries which do poffefs it over thofe other countries.

THIS advantage, however, will, perhaps, be found to be rather what may be called a relative than an abfolute advantage; and to give a fuperiority to the country which enjoys it, rather by depreffing the industry and produce of other countries, than by raifing thofe of that particular country above what they would naturally rife to in the cafe of a free trade.

THE tobacco of Maryland and Virginia, for example, by means of the monopoly which England enjoys of it, certainly comes cheaper to England than it can do to France, to whom England commonly fells a confiderable part of it. But had France, and all other European countries been, at all times, allowed a free trade to Maryland and Virginia, the tobacco of those colonies might, by this time, have come cheaper than it actually does, not only to all thofe other countries, but likewife to England. The pro

duce of tobacco, in confequence of a market fo much more extenfive than any which it has hitherto enjoyed, might, and probably would, by

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IV.

BOOK this time, have been so much increased as to reduce the profits of a tobacco plantation to their natural level with those of a corn plantation, which, it is fuppofed, they are still somewhat above. The price of tobacco might, and probably would, by this time, have fallen somewhat lower than it is at prefent. An equal quantity of the commodities either of England, or of those other countries, might have purchased in Maryland and Virginia a greater quantity of tobacco than it can do at prefent, and, consequently, have been fold there for fo much a better price. So far as that weed, therefore, can, by its cheapnefs and abundance, increase the enjoyments or augment the industry either of England or of any other country, it would, probably, in the cafe of a free trade, have produced both these effects in fomewhat a greater degree than it can do at prefent. England, indeed, would not in this case have had any advantage over other countries. She might have bought the tobacco of her colonies fomewhat cheaper, and, confequently, have fold fome of her own commodities fomewhat dearer than fhe actually does. But he could neither have bought the one cheaper nor fold the other dearer than any other country might have done. She might, perhaps, have gained an abfolute, but he would certainly have loft a rela tive advantage.

IN order, however, to obtain this relative advantage in the colony trade, in order to execute the invidious and malignant project of excluding as much as poffible other nations from any fhare

VII.

in it, England, there are very probable reafons CHA P. for believing, has not only facrificed a part of the abfolute advantage which fhe, as well as every other nation, might have derived from that trade, but has fubjected herself both to an abfolute and to a relative difadvantage in almoft every other branch of trade.

WHEN, by the act of navigation, England affumed to herself the monopoly of the colony trade, the foreign capitals which had before been employed in it were neceffarily withdrawn from it. The English capital, which had before carried on but a part of it, was now to carry on the whole. The capital which had before supplied the colonies with but a part of the goods which they wanted from Europe, was now all that was employed to fupply them with the whole. But it could not fupply them with the whole, and the goods with which it did fupply them were neceffarily fold very dear. The capital which had before bought but a part of the furplus produce of the colonies, was now all that was employed to buy the whole. But it could not buy the whole at any thing near the old price, and, therefore, whatever it did buy it neceffarily bought very cheap. But in an employment of capital in which the merchant fold very dear and bought very cheap, the profit must have been very great, and much above the ordinary level of profit in other branches of trade. This fuperiority of profit in the colony trade could not fail to draw from other branches of trade a part of the capital which had before been employed in them. But this revulfion of capital, as it must have gra_

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