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Rudyon Kipling.

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the Hughes speech delivered at New Haven last December. And altho this speech intimated that the United States might be willing to consider suggestions from abroad for American representation on a commission of experts to decide on Germany's ability to pay, our State Department lets it be known that the Coolidge Administration will not "give Europe a blank check," as the correspondents word it. The Coolidge Administration, writes Albert W. Fox in the Washington Post, which was so close to the Harding Administration, "will not lose sight of the fact that its first duty is to the people of the United States." With the return of Secretary Mellon, Senator Smoot, and others, from abroad, the President and Secretary

of State, continues this writer, are receiving information justifying the Government's policy of inaction. As he writes:

"The situation has now reached a point where foreign statesmen who have talked with Secretary Mellon, Senato Smoot, and others, know that the talk of America 'coming in'-whatever that may mean or shouldering the burdens of Europe's responsibilities or canceling the

debts will remain idle and futile so far as any practical bearing on a real solution is concerned.

"Hopes entertained abroad for the ultimate fulfilment of the internationalist league of nations' policy, whereby America was to make the supreme sacrifice for the good of the worid, have at last been abandoned."

In general, we read in a Washington dispatch to the New York Evening Post, these may be said to be the conditions of American entry into the reparations controversy:

"1. That the request for our assistance mu t come from the other side.

"2. That it must have the support of all the parties to the controversy, notably France, which has so far not been inclined to receive our advances favorably.

"3. That the specific proposal made must be in keeping with our general traditions and with the declared policy of the present Administration.

MORRIS

enough to bear without drawing to ourselves all the ill-feeling which would result from disappointed hopes and a settlement which was viewed as forced upon nations by this country, which at the same time is demanding payments of its debts."

In the New Haven speech, Secretary Hughes went on to say that the European statesmen could best settle the reparations matter by "taking it out of politics." As he suggested:

"Why should they not invite men of the highest authority in finance in their respective countries-men of such prestige, experience and honor that their agreement upon the amount to be paid, and upon a financial plan for working out the

MEOUW

WORLD COURT PLAN

4. That there must be no confusion between debts and reparations."

The Hughes speech of December 29, 1922, being thus taken as the official expression of the foreign policies of the Coolidge Administration, it will be of value to quote some of the more important paragraphs of that address. Our official attitude toward the reparations problem is stated as follows:

"We have no desire to see Germany relieved of her responsibility for the war or her just obligations to make reparations for the injuries due to her agression. There is not the slightest desire that France shall lose any part of her just claims. On the other hand, we do not wish to see a prostrate Germany. There can be no economic recuperation in Europe unless Germany recuperates. There will be no permanent peace unless economic satisfactions are enjoyed. There must be hope, and industry must have promise of reward if there is to be prosperity. We should view with disfavor measures which, instead of producing reparations, would threaten disaster."

The one sufficient answer to those Americans who suggest that the United States should assume the rôle of arbiter in this dispute, is this, according to Secretary Hughes:

"We have not been asked to assume the rôle of arbiter. There could be no such arbitrament unless we were invited, and it would be an extraordinary and unprecedented thing for us to ask for such an invitation. I do not think that we should endeavor to take such a burden of responsibility. We have quite

payments, would be accepted throughout the world as the most authoritative expression obtainable? Governments need not bind themselves in advance to accept the recommendations, but they can at least make possible such an inquiry with their approval and free the men who may represent their country in such a commission from any responsibility to Foreign Offices and from any duty to obey political instructions.

"In other words, they may invite an answer to this difficult and pressing question from men of such standing and in such circumstances of freedom as will insure a reply prompted only by knowledge and conscience. I have no doubt that distinguished Americans would be willing to serve in such a commission.

"If Governments saw fit to reject the recommendation upon which such a body agreed, they would be free to do so, but they would have the advantage of impartial advice and of an enlightened public opinion. Peoples would be informed. the question would be rescued from assertion and counterassertion, and the problem put upon its way to solution."

What Secretary Hughes could actually do in the way of carrying out this policy is set down as follows by William E. Brigham, Washington correspondent of the Boston Transcript:

"1. Participate in an international conference which would undertake to arrive at the exact truth of the European situation, and set forth the facts for the benefit of the world.

"2. Renew the request that France and Germany give further consideration to the Hughes proposal that the question of how much Germany can pay be referred to an international commission of financial experts.

"3. Let the European nations that are directly involved know that this government would be not only willing but glad to see the controversy between France and Germany referred to the International Court of Justice."

That the new Administration is "standing pat" on the Harding-Hughes foreign policy seems to Republican dailies like the Manchester Union, Philadelphia Inquirer, and Marion Star cause for heartiest congratulations. The New York Evening Mail agrees that such course is “reassuring." The very negative quality of this policy is what commends it to the Washington Post, since Secretary Hughes's suggestion "does not constitute American policy in any sense and can be abandoned as easily as it was put forth." The country "may rest content," concludes the equally pleased Philadelphia Public Ledger (Ind.), “that the Government's prudent course will not be altered," and "that, without seeking to intrude in those troubled waters, it still holds itself in readiness to fulfil its obligations to civilization and humanity to keep the peace and contribute to the limit of its ability to the restoration of a disorganized and demoralized world." It seems proper to the New York Times (Dem.) that parties

contained in one of David Lawrence's Washington dispatches, and runs in part as follows:

to the present international controversy in Europe should be disabused of the fancy that the United States can be brought to take sides with one as against another. It should now be thoroughly understood that "the only possibility of American participation in the effort to bring about a European settlement would be as a result of a united invitation to this country." And the Brooklyn Eagle (Dem.) inclines to the idea that the Coolidge Administration may help to a settlement, that the United States may be able to show France that she has more to gain than otherwise by accepting the idea of a commission of experts, and "if Mr. Hughes pushes his proposals and succeeds in convincing France that we are prepared to cooperate in a settlement, there would be real hope for peace." Of course, comments the New York Journal of Commerce, any such "offer" as that made in the Hughes speech is better than nothing:

"If the Germans are willing to give the facilities needed by the commission such a body might get at some facts and inferences that would command a good deal more respect than those of the now wellnigh discredited Reparations Commission. Every contribution to the establishment of better notions on this whole subject is desirable."

"But the time for any such halting and ineffectual measures as this has long since passed," continues this organ of business opinion. It says:

"The truth is that the various Powers have a very good idea of Germany's ability to pay, and it is far from probable that such a commission, composed of the best men as it might be, would add materially

"First there is the question of French security. America might well propose that all the Powers of Europe enter a solemn treaty, promising not to attack one another for a period of fifty years. Such

a respect for the sovereignty of each other's. domain would, when formally ratified by parliament, constitute an impressive argument against the militarist's lack of faith in all human-kind.

"The next step is the taking by the United States of her vacant chair on the Reparations Commission as advocated by President Harding. Congress by resolution must give the necessary authority for this. When America has joined the Commission, her representative will be in a position to give the world the facts and to influence the opinion of all Europe. Out of the reparations problem must come an international economic conference called by one of the European Powers for the purpose of discussing every factor entering into the economic crisis, from war debts to reparations. America need not agree in advance to cancel or reduce war debts, but can not refuse to discuss with other Governments measures that would relieve them of the strain. If America could bring about the demobilization of the French Army and the general disarmament of Europe by promising to reduce the Allied war debt by a certain percentage, the net return to American business and the peace of the world would be a thousandfold.

to the data at the command of almost any serious student of the situation. The trouble is not, as was at first supposed, lack of knowledge as to what Germany can pay, nor is it, as some later thought, difference of opinion as to what she ought to pay, but it is a distinct divergence of view as to the method to be adopted and the object to be sought in collection."

The Hughes offer, in brief, as The Journal of Commerce understands it, is simply "that if all will join in naming a commission of experts, we will participate in academically studying the amount that Germany ought to pay, but with the express proviso that we undertake no future responsibility."

While the present situation does not appeal to the Charleston News and Courier, this Democratic daily does not think "the Coolidge Administration should be criticized for this attitude," for

"To-day President Coolidge is the victim of the timidity, irresolution and subservience to politics which marked the foreign policy pursued by the Republican Administration during the period before France moved into the Ruhr-the period when we should have acted and could have acted without unfairness to any of the Allies, and with great benefit to all nations, including ourselves."

"But there are certain things Europe must do before America can be of any help. It is to end the poker game and put all the cards face up. The facts of Germany's capacity to pay are obtainable just as are the facts of what Germany has already paid. The Foreign Offices thus far have not used the weapon of publicity as far as they can. And the American Government, with its impartial sources of information, can aid the whole world in influencing European governments to get together. It can be done by exposure of the facts as gathered by American diplomats. It can be done by statements from President Coolidge or Secretary of State Hughes. Mediation will not be so difficult to achieve when once the public gets the true facts about Europe. And America alone is trusted officially to gain the respect of the world.

A clear statement representing the view of those who think that "standing pat" on the Hughes speech is not enough, is

66

Should the American Government to-morrow pronounce the conditions under which it would be willing to discuss possible measures of aid to the economic situation of Europe, the entire European situation would change in twenty-four hours. Some American diplomats say even that would be futile as it would be too late. They fear the crash is inevitable, and must come before the world will be brought to its senses. The big question is where the responsibility will be if Europe goes to smash within the next four months and America has done nothing publicly, at least, to prevent a situation that may ultimately become worse for the world than the war of 1914."