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On four subjects M. Léon Walras's views are of peculiar interest, because they are not altogether in agreement with those generally held.

On the question of land M. Walras is with the land nationalisers. He discusses Gossen's views most exhaustively, and then develops a scheme of his own by which the state is to purchase the land. His treatment may be commended to politicians.

On the question of currency he has a scheme of his own. It is that of a gold currency, supplemented by a token currency of silver in such a manner as to keep the level of prices steady. In M. Walras's own words "Tout serait pour le mieux si la rareté de la marchandise numéraire et monnaie variait comme la rareté moyenne de la richesse sociale. L'or, pas plus qu'aucune marchandise quelconque, ne saurait prendre naturellement une telle variation de rareté et de valeur ; mais on peut la lui imprimer artificiellement en ajoutant à la circulaton monétaire ou en en retranchant, selon les besoins, des écus d'argent. Et c'est à quoi j'ai démontré qu'on arriverait précisément en faisant ces additions ou ces soustractions de façon à ce que le prix moyen de la richesse sociale en la marchandise numéraire et monnaie ne variât plus. Sans doute il est évident qu'on ne peut pas ajouter à la circulation monétaire ou en retrancher des écus d'argent de façon à prévenir toute variation du prix moyen de la richesse sociale en or; mais il semble qu'on pourrait le faire de façon à ramener périodiquement ce prix moyen à la constance en ajoutant des écus quand il tendrait à hausser."

Finally, on the allied questions of both justice and taxation M. Walras's views are of great interest. Roughly speaking, he attempts a synthesis of interest and justice, and would solve the question of taxation by the method of land nationalisation. Any account of his views on these points that could be given here would necessarily be so brief as to be misleading.

The general characteristics of M. Walras's writings are (1) the use of the mathematical method whereever additional clearness can be attained thereby; (2) great care in distinguishing theory and practice; (3) a great interest in what, for want of a better word, may be termed sociology. The subjoined bibliography will serve to indicate the great number of his interests, and the fact that many of his articles have appeared in newspapers is a guarantee of his interest in the topics of the day. M. Léon Walras cannot be considered to belong to any special school of economics, unless he is a founder of one; his attitude is scientific. In one of his latest publications he says, "We count to-day I do not know how many schools of political economy. For me, I recognise but two: the school of those who do not demonstrate, and the school-which I hope to see founded-of those who demonstrate their conclusions." In every way this utterance is thoroughly characteristic of the

man.

As to the final effect of M. Léon Walras's works, it is perhaps at present too early to judge; but whatever may be the judgment of posterity in regard to some of his views, it is clear that in the history of economics his name will always be

associated with those of Gossen and Jevons as one of the discoverers of the key to economic science.

Note. In many cases M. Walias has incorporated in his books articles which have been previously published. The articles which are substantially incorporated in this way are referred to under the book, and are omitted from the list of separate articles. Examen

L'économie politique et la justice. critique et réfutation des doctrines économiques de M. P.-J. Proudhon, précédés d'une Introduction à l'étude de la question sociale, Paris, 1860.-Théorie critique de l'impôt, précédée de Souvenirs du Congrès de Lausanne, Paris, 1861.-De l'impôt dans le canton de Vaud. Mémoire auquel un quatrième accessit a été décerné ensuite du concours ouvert par le conseil d'État du canton de Vaud sur les questions relatives à l'impôt, Lausanne, 1861.Les associations populaires de consommation, de production et de crédit. Leçons publiques faites à Paris en janvier et février, 1865, Paris, 1865.

- Des opérations de la Caisse d'escompte des associations populaires, Paris, 1866.-La Bourse et le Crédit à Paris, Paris-Guide, 1867.-Discours d'installation en qualité de professeur ordinaire d'économie, politique à l'académie de Lausanne, 1871.- Eléments d'économie politique pure ou théorie de la richesse sociale, Paris, 1st ed. 1st part, 1874; 2nd part, 1877; 2nd ed., Paris, 1889; 3rd ed., Paris, 1896. The second edition contains Théorème de l'utilité maxima des capitaux neufs (Revue d'économie politique, June 1889). The third edition contains De l'échange de plusieurs marchandises entre elles (Société des Ingénieurs Civils de Paris, 1890), Théorie géométrique de la détermination des prix (Recueil inaugural de l'Université de Lausanne, 1892), Observations sur le principe de la théorie du prix de MM. Auspitz et Lieben (Revue d'économie politique, 1890), and Note sur la réfutation de la théorie anglaise de fermage de M. Wicksteed (Recueil publié par la Faculté de Droit de l'Université de Lausanne, 1896). - Théorie mathématique de la richesse sociale, Paris, 1883, contains Principe d'une théorie mathématique de l'échange (Proceedings of the Académie des Sciences morales et politiques, Jan. 1874), Correspondance entre M. Jevons et M. Walras (Journal des Économistes, June, 1874), Équations de l'échange, Équations de la production, Équations de la capitalisation et du crédit (Proceedings of the Société vaudoise des sciences naturelles, Nos. 76 and 77), Théorie mathématique du bimétallisme (Journal des Économistes, 1876, 1881, 1882), Théorie mathématique du billet de banque, Théorie mathé matique du prix des terres et de leur rachat par l'état (Proceedings of the Société vaudoise des sciences naturelles, Nos. 83 and 85). The first four of these articles have been translated into Italian, sub tit.: Teoria matematica della ricchezza sociale 1878, and into German, sub tit.: Mathematische Theorie der Preisbestimmung der wirthschaftlichen Güter, Stuttgart, 1881.- Etudes d'économie sociale (Théorie de la répartition de la richesse sociale), Paris, 1896, contains Socialisme et libéralisme (Le Travail, 1866, 1867), Théorie générale de la société (lectures delivered at Paris, 1867-68), Méthode de conciliation ou de synthèse (Revue Socia

WALRAS, M. E. L.-WALSH

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"Le

relatifs aux associations coopératives
crédit gratuit réciproque "La liberté des
Sociétés "Le futur parti -"De la gratuité
par la réciprocité dans les banques d'échange'
"Les sociétés de résistance "Discussion 'sur
les coalitions et les grèves à la Société d'économie
politique de Paris' -"Le projet de loi sur les
sociétés à capital variable "-"La discussion du
corps législative sur les sociétés à capital variable"

"

"Syndicat du crédit à Paris' "Congrès international coopératif". "Société d'économie politique de Paris"- "Les syndicats de garantie mutuelle " -"De l'éducation des filles". - "La science et le socialisme "-"La sécurité générale " -"Le socialisme scientifique "-"Le mouvement d'instruction populaire' "Les réunions publiques." See also a bibliography given in the Revue du Droit Public et de la Science Politique, May-June 1897.

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C. P. S.

liste, 15 April 1896), Théorie de la propriété (Revue | Le Travail (1866-1868)—"Programme économique Socialiste, 15 June, 15 July, 1896), La question et politique "Société coopérative immobilière " sociale (Gazette de Lausanne, 22 July, 1880), -"De la cherté du pain et de l'établissement de De la propriété intellectuelle (Ibid. 10, 11, 12 boulangeries coopératives "A propos d'un June, 1880), Théorie mathématique du prix des article de M. Horn" "Discussion sur les terres (see above), Un économiste inconnu, H. H. associations coopératives à la Société d'économie Gossen (Journal des Économistes, April, May, politique de Paris". "Des doctrines en matière 1885), De l'impôt sur le revenu et de l'impôt sur le d'association coopérative "- Énoncé de principes capital (part of the two brochures on taxation, see above, 1861), Le cadastre et l'impôt foncier (Bibliothèque universelle, Nov. Dec. 1873), Le problème fiscal (Revue Socialiste, 15 Oct., 15 Nov. 1896). Etudes d'économie politique appliquée, Paris, 1898, contains Monnaie d'or avec billon d'argent régulateur (Revue de droit international, Dec. 1884), Mesure et régularisation des variations de valeur de la monnaie (Société vaudoise des sciences naturelles, 1885), Théorie de la monnaie (Paris, 1886), Le problème monétaire (Revue d'économie politique, 1887; Gazette de Lausanne, 24 July 1893, 27 Feb. 1894; and Revue Socialiste, 15 July 1895), L'état et les hemins de fer (Revue du droit public et de la science politique, May-June, July-August 1897), De l'influence de la communication des marchés sur la situation des populations agricoles (Société vaudoise d'utilité publique, 1874), L'économique appliquée et la défense des salaires (Revue d'économie politique, December 1897), Théorie du libre-échange (ib., July 1897), Théorie du crédit (ib., Feb. 1898), Théorie mathématique du billet de banque (Société vaudoise des sciences naturelles, 1879), La Caisse d'épargne postale de Vienne et le Comptabilisme social (Revue d'économie politique, March 1898), La Bourse, la spéculation et l'agiotage (Bibliothèque universelle, March and April 1880), Esquisse d'une doctrine économique et sociale. The principal memoirs and articles not included above are-Giornale degli economisti, "Un nuovo ramo della matematica," Padua, 1876. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, "Geometrical Theory of the Determination of Prices," Philadelphia, July 1892.-British Association Report, "Solution of the Anglo-Indian monetary problem," 1887 (Revue d'économie politique, 1887).—Indépendant de la Moselle, 1863.-"Principes de la théorie des richesses, par M. Cournot," 13 July.-"De la constitution de la propriété en Algérie," 2, 21 Sept., 12 Oct.-"De l'esprit communal et de la routine administrative, par M. de Labry."-Bibliothèque universelle, "De la culture et de l'enseignement des sciences morales et politiques," July, Aug., 1879.-Journal des économistes (1860-85), "Paradoxe économique. Que le sens commun n'est point le critérium de la science en général, ni, en particulier, celui de l'économie politique."-Gazette des tribunaux suisses (1875-76), "La loi fédérale sur l'émission et le remboursement des billets de banque,' La loi fédérale sur le travail dans les fabriques."-La Presse (1860-61), "Des octrois ; "De la mise en valeur des biens communaux "De la cherté des loyers à Paris"; "La Bourse et le développement du capital"; De l'élévation du taux de l'escompte," "à M. Félix Solar " (1865-66), "Les sociétés coopératives et la législation," "Le mouvement d'association et la politique libérale," "L'association à la française."

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WALSH, SIR JOHN BENN (1798-1881), created Lord Ormathwaite (1868), an Irish, Welsh, and English landowner, and M.P. for Sudbury (1830-34) and Radnorshire (1840-68), wrote several Tory essays in which he combated De TOCQUEVILLE's fatalism and Macaulay's optimism with arguments resembling those afterwards used in Sir H. Maine's Popular Government. His economical work-Poor-Laws in Ireland considered in their Probable Effects upon the Capital, the Prosperity, and the Progressive Improvement of that Country (1830, 3rd ed., 1831), opposed the introduction effected in 1838 of poor-laws into Ireland; since (1) there was no middle class to work them properly, and as for landlords, "no man of educa tion with the habits and feelings of a gentleman could submit to the endless drudgery, the constant sifting of unfounded claims” (p. 74); (2) therefore they would be used to spoil the landlords and drive away capital, and (3) increase improvident marriages, which were Ireland's bane. His positive remedies were leave all to time; let the landlord do without the middleman lessee, and hire good small farmers, etc. Despite his aristocratic bias he was an able, judicious writer.

J. D. R.

WALSH, RICHARD HUSSEY (1825-1862), born in King's County, Ireland, was educated altogether by his mother until he entered Trinity College, Dublin, where he highly distinguished himself in mathematics, obtaining a gold medal at the degree examination of 1846, when, it is interesting to observe, Cliffe LESLIE also graduated with high honours in logic and ethics, and W. E. HEARN with like distinction in classics. In 1851 Walsh was elected by

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WANTS-WARD-PENNY

competitive examination to the Whately professorship of political economy; his professorial term expired in 1856, when he was succeeded by J. E. CAIRNES. He afterwards went out to Mauritius as a commissioner of education, and, whilst there, was also employed in organising the postal service and taking the census of the island. He died at Port Louis in the 37th year of his age.

He was a man of sincere and earnest nature, and of great intellectual solidity, clearness, and force. He knew accurately whatever he professed to know. His most important publication was an Elementary Treatise on Metallic Currency, being the substance of a course of lectures delivered in Trinity College, 1853, which is still well worth reading for its statement and proof of the true doctrine of money. He was for some years an active member of the statistical and social inquiry

society of Ireland, and contributed to its Transactions, besides other papers, the following: "The price of silver of late years does not afford an accurate measure of the value of gold" (read also before the British Association in 1855), and "Observations on the gold crisis, the price of silver, and the demand for it" (1856).

[This notice is founded on personal knowledge and family communications.]

J. K. I.

WANTS. See DEMAND; LUXURY. WARD, BERNARDO (died about 1760). Irish by descent, Ward travelled from 1750 to 1754 through Europe on a mission from King Ferdinand VI. of Spain to study the means of remedying the state of the poor, and to promote trade and manufactures in Spain. On his return he was appointed minister of trade and of the mint, and director of the royal glass works in San Ildefonso.

He published the results of his travels of economic exploration in the Proyecto económico en que se proponen varias providencias (measures) dirigidas á promover los intereses de España, published posthumously in 1762. It is, perhaps, the best digested and most methodical book written on these topics in Spain during the 18th century, giving a clear insight into the causes of the decay of the country, which, like his predecessors, UZTÁRIZ and ULLOA (q.v.), Ward ascribes to the neglect of trade and industry, and to the absurd system of taxation which had prevailed for more than two centuries. Like them, Ward is a mercantilist, but more discriminating and less extreme; thus he allows that, Spain being a silver-producing country, consideration ought to be taken of this fact when examining the figures of the balance of Spanish trade (p. 131); he concludes that a wholesale prohibition of foreign articles ought to be deprecated.

As measures of reform, Ward suggests:

1. The appointment of Comisarios de Visita, entrusted with the personal management of a thorough enquiry made on the spot throughout Spain and America, and directed to point out

the public works which ought to be done by the state, and those which ought to be left to the care of municipalities or private persons.

2. The foundation by the state of a Land Bank taking money on deposit at 4 per cent, and lending it out on mortgage.

3. The suppression of the exorbitant export duties levied on Spanish manufactures sent to the colonies.

4. Exemption of national manufactures from inland taxation.

5. Inviting industrious foreigners to settle in Spain.

6. The adoption of the English system of free inland trade in corn and bounties on export.

7. The suppression of crafts and brotherhoods (Gremios y hermandades), of the privileges of the MESTA, and of all exclusive privileges generally.

For America he proposes, amongst other measures, to grant natives the freehold of certain portions of land.

Ward's views on the poor were first made known in a tract called Obra Pia, published in 1750, and which is added as an appendix to the Proyecto Económico. He considers that the total sums distributed in Spain as alms would afford ample means to provide for the poor in a more rational and efficient way; excepting, perhaps, some initial funds needful to build hospitals in places devoid of these institutions, these might be obtained by state LOTTERIES. All the moneys thus collected, or hitherto given out to beggars, ought to be henceforth made over to the Hermandad de la Obra Pia, a brotherhood to be founded comprising all charitable people, especially the clergy, and to be locally managed by the parochial clergy. Disabled poor were to receive alms or outdoor relief in the place of their birth, under a law analogous to the English law of parish settlement, after a delay of six months. Able-bodied poor and vagrants ought to be shut up in hospitals and obliged to work for their liveli hood.

Ward often holds up England as a model; thus he proposes the foundation of a Junta de Mejoras (board of improvements) on the lines of the Royal Society of Dublin.

E. Ca.

This word has two en

In

WARD-PENNY. tirely different significations. (1) The Custumary of the Soke of Rothley (Archæologia, xlvii. 128) explains it thus: Wardpeny. Hoc est cum animalia capta sint per ministros regis. this sense, therefore, it is a payment to free cattle impounded by the king's officers, and in the Rotuli Hundredorum (ii. 472) the lord of a certain manor pays probably on this account, xxxij de wardpeni domino regi. (2) In Domesday Book (i. 190) there is an entry: reddebant warpenam aut custodiam faciebant; but the Rothley Custumary applies

WARDEN OF THE STANDARDS-WAREHOUSING SYSTEM

the term wardewyte to the nummus . . pro warda, the payment in lieu of keeping watch and ward. Warda et Wardpani occur in the charter of Henry II. to Waltham Abbey. (Monast. Anglic. (ed. 1673), ii. 14 b. 40.)

R. H.

WARDEN OF THE STANDARDS. See STANDARDS.

WARDS. Under the feudal system each knight's fee was held by the service of attending the overlord in war for forty days in each year if required, and therefore, on the death of the holder of a feodum militare, leaving children under age, some one was needed who could undertake the service due from the land during the minority of the eldest son, or until the heiress could be married to a husband who could perform the requisite knight-service. The person who assumed this lucrative responsibility, and became guardian in chivalry in the case of tenancies in capite, was usually the king himself, in other cases the overlord. The guardian took the profits of the land during the minority, providing for the performance of the required services, maintaining and educating the heir, and retaining for himself the surplus. When male heirs reached the age of twenty-one, or females that of sixteen, they could, on payment of half a year's profits, claim to be put in possession of their property.

For other details, see KNIGHT'S SERVICE; MARRIAGE (FEUDAL SYSTEM) and MARITAGIUM. R. H. WAREHOUSES. See WAREHOUSING SYS

TEM.

WAREHOUSING SYSTEM. Warehousing System, p. 657; Warehousing System, United States, p. 658. WAREHOUSING SYSTEM.-Technically speaking, warehoused goods are those which on importation or manufacture become liable to customs or excise duties, and hence are placed in bond for the safety of the revenue (see BONDED WAREHOUSES); and because it is to the interest of both importer and consumer that the duties should not be levied until the goods are wanted for consumption, the privilege of having the goods retained in the custody of the crown was highly valued, not only because the payment of the tax, which often far exceeded the original value of the article, was thus deferred, but because the arrangement saved the duty on that which was wasted or deteriorated. It also avoided the necessity for claiming a drawback on that which might be re-exported, and therefore was not amenable to payment of duty.

It hence became necessary that there should be set times and places at which the landing, examination, and assessment of duty should take place; naturally the goods would remain there until wanted by the retailer or ultimate purchaser. The maximum of security and convenience was attained in the docks (see

VOL III

657

| Dock), where spacious quays and warerooms were available and guardianship easily exercised. For many purposes, however, it was desirable to have readier access to the goods, and this would be obtained by their deposit at some of the numerous warehouses or bonding places, many of which had existed before docks were formed. As trade extended, a fierce competition, in London at least, sprung up between the legal quays or sufferance wharves and the docks. This pertained not only to goods on which the crown had a charge, but to all others as well, for it is evident that to secure such payments as were due on some things, the examination of all became requisite, otherwise none would have been taxed. The restriction, therefore, of absolutely free landing of even free goods was essential, and the saving of labour and expense led to the most convenient places being chosen, and the retention of the goods in the warehouses there, until they could be made use of, naturally followed.

It is in London, Liverpool, and the larger ports that the warehousing system has reached its greatest development. There the merchant or owner has his goods at all times practically as much under his own control as at his own door. For the purposes of sale they can be sampled or inspected, while every facility exists for speedy removal and distribution when sold. They can be stored in buildings or floors most suited to their proper preservation; insurance against fire or depredation can be effected completely, all this at a minimum of cost with freedom from the responsibility of personal supervision or the trouble of constant reception and delivery. It affords a good instance of DIVISION OF LABOUR (q.v.), without which the large and intricate operations of trade could scarcely be carried on. At the same time it has tended to the security of the revenue and lessened the cost of collection. It used to be thought necessary to have warehouses of "speciai security carefully guarded by the customs or excise officers. Now the same care which is needed for the custody of the goods serves in great measure to save risk of dutiable goods from passing into the hands of those who evade payment of the duties. A comparatively cursory inspection serves to discover any error which has taken place in their removal, and should such occur it is easily traced and rectified.

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The process is very simple. On the arrival of the ship the merchant or his agent having, on entering his goods at the custom house, declared the warehouse in which they are to be placed, they are either landed on the quay adjacent to the place of storage or transhipped into barges or trucks for conveyance to their destination. When wanted, a delivery order, preceded by payment of despatch to any needed place at home or abroad, duty, where such is leviable, admits of ready by any suitable or desired means of conveyance, with such economy of time and cost as either cheapens the price or enhances the profit of the

transaction.

Two circumstances have contributed to the 20

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WAREHOUSING SYSTEM, UNITED STATES-WARREN

removal of many of the warehouses to a distance from the place of sale. With the enlargement of trade it has been necessary to go further afield, and with the increased size of the vessels to build docks more suitable for their reception. For London ships there are warehouses as far down the river as Tilbury, 22 miles, and wharves close up to London Bridge. In Liverpool they are being driven further and further up the Mersey, and now, by means of the ship canal, are provided as far up as Manchester.

London has 7 docks with numerous warehouses, 8 legal quays, and 36 sufferance wharves, at which both free and dutiable goods may be landed and warehoused (see Docks). It has also 38 uptown warehouses and vaults to which dutiable goods may be removed for warehousing-in all 112 such places for the deposit of goods on which the duties are not yet paid. Liverpool has 114, and other towns 476-making 702 for the United Kingdom.

The excise warehouses, 419 in number, are mainly for retaining beer and spirits produced at the breweries and distilleries until the duties are paid, but some of them are open for the reception British of customs dutiable goods, and vice versa. spirits can be bonded in customs warehouses (see BONDED WAREHOUSES).

S. BO.

WAREHOUSING SYSTEM, UNITED STATES. Until 1842 importations of goods into the United States were given credit upon the entry of merchandise. By the Tariff Act of 30th August 1842, § 12, it was provided that the duties should be paid in cash. In case of failure the goods should be taken possession of by the collector of customs and deposited in public stores, to be sold at public auction if not redeemed before sixty days. A careful investigation was then made of the warehousing system as it existed in Great Britain, France, and Belgium, resulting in the act of 6th August 1846, establishing a complete warehousing system, and permitting goods to remain in bond in public warehouses for a period of not longer than one year (see Report of Secretary of the Treasury, 8th December 1847, where interesting facts are given in regard to the system as then developed in England; also Report on the Warehousing System, 22nd February 1849). This system was again extended 28th March 1854, providing for the establishment of private warehouses, and extending the period of deposit to three years. In 1861 "a severe attack was made on this system as merely another method of giving credits on imports." It was defended on the ground that "it gave our merchants the advantage of storing on this side instead of the other, and making our cities (instead of foreign ports) the great storehouse of the country's goods.' In spite of certain modifications the principle prevailed. At the present time there are six classes of warehouses designated as follows:

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1. Stores occupied by the United States. 2. Stores occupied by importers exclusively

for the storage of goods imported by or consigned to them, or purchased by them in bond. 3. Warehouses occupied for the general storage of goods. 4. Yards or sheds for storage of heavy and bulky goods. 5. Bins or parts of buildings for the storage of imported grain. 6. Warehouses exclusively for the manufacture of medicines, cosmetics, and the like, and warehouses exclusively for the cleaning of rice.

[See for present administration, W. Elmes, Law of the Customs, ch. x., for early period.-Bolles, Financial History of the United States, 17891861, ch. ix.; also "History of Tariff Administration in the United States," by J. D. Goss, in Studies in History, Economics, and Public Law, Columbia College, New York, vol. i. No. 2.]

D. R. D.

WARRANDICE (Scots law). In a convey. ance, an obligation to indemnify against loss arising from the act of the grantor or from defect in the title as the case may be. A. D.

WARRANTS are documents of title referring to goods stored in docks and warehouses. They are not, strictly speaking, negotiable instruments, but owing to the provisions of the Factors Act 1889, persons advancing money on the security of such warrants have been made more secure than they were under the former law (see COMMERCIAL INSTRUMENT; FACTORS ACTS).

E. S.

WARRANTY. In the Sale of Goods Act 1893 warranty as regards England and Ireland is defined as an agreement with reference to goods which are the subject of a contract of sale, but collateral to the main purpose of such contract, the breach of which gives rise to a claim for damages, but not a right to reject the goods and treat the contract as repudiated. As regards Scotland a breach of warranty shall be deemed to be a failure to perform a material part of the contract.

[Anson, Contracts, Oxford, 1893, gives six different senses in which the word has been used.-Chalmers, Sale of Goods Act 1893, London, 1894, discusses the meaning of the term at length.] J. E. C. M.

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WARREN, JOSIAH (1799-1874), was a citizen of the New Harmony of R. OWEN (1825-26). He then opened a "time store " or "cost grocery in Cincinnati (1827); then in Tuscawaras; then in Mount Vernon; then (1842-44) in New Harmony. In 1847 he snatched four families from the Fourierist wreck at Clermont, and started an "equitable village" "on the principle," says M. Conway, "that each person shall mind his own business," first in Utopia, then (1851) in Modern Times, Long Island. The latter, in 1857, numbered "less than a hundred cottages" whose inmates "agreed only to differ." The civil war broke up this embodiment of Mill On Liberty, and in 1863 some had fled to South America; S. P. Andrews, the American Comte, was in New York; T. L. Nichols in England; while

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