printing and stationery alone, while paving contracts were scarcely less profitable.

False claims against the city were presented by them, audited by themselves, and paid. A new court house, estimated in 1868 to cost $250,000 (£50,000), had cost in 1871 from $8,000,000 (£1,600,000) to $13,000,000 (£2,600,000), according to different authorities, and it was still unfinished. Contractors were compelled to add sums to their bills, which were taken by the ring.

At length one of the subordinate accomplices, dissatisfied with his treatment by the leaders, gave information regarding the practices of the ring to the New York Times, which published it. This attack was followed by others; the best men in the democratic party and in Tammany turned against the corrupt leaders. They were cited before the court; their candidates were opposed in the next election, and finally the people defeated nearly all the Tammany candidates but Tweed at the polls. Tweed, though re-elected to the state senate by his own district, was soon arrested, tried, convicted, and sentenced to prison for twelve years. Later, released on a technicality, he was rearrested on a civil suit by the city on a claim of $6,000,000 (£1,200,000) damages, escaped, fled to Spain, was sent back, and died in prison, 1876.

The breaking of the Tweed ring put Tammany, for a time, into the control of its better element. Within a few years, however, control passed to Richard Croker, who managed its affairs, with several short interruptions, until January 1902. During this period conditions grew so bad that in 1901 antiTammany forces combined upon the nomination of Seth Low, President of Columbia University. Seth Low was elected, and Croker soon after that abdicated. A triumvirate of leaders, one of whom was Charles F. Murphy, was selected to guide Tammany's affairs. Murphy, trained in the University of Hard Knocks and ward politics, shortly became its supreme leader. Under his rule Tammany mended some of its ways. "Honest graft," so called, took the place of the old methods, although legislative corruption, lax administration, and many other bad conditions still prevailed.

In 1903 Low was defeated and Tammany's candidates were again elected. By 1913, another accumulation of scandals again brought the anti-Tammany forces together in the person of John Purroy Mitchel, a young independent Democrat, who was elected. Certain of his reforms and administrative changes aroused many enemies. John F. Hylan defeated him overwhelmingly for re-election.

Charles F. Murphy died in 1924. He was succeeded by Judge George W. Olvany, one of the Tenth District leaders. Alfred E. Smith,

515

thrice elected Governor of New York State, a prominent candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1924, is the idol of Tammany, and the real leader of the organisation.

Tammany's careful organisation, unison of social features with its political activity, and especially its unquestioned adherence to the spirit of democracy in its broadest, freest sense, with its unscrupulous use of city patronage in the promotion of its interests among the poor, binds the great mass of the poorer, more ignorant voters of New York city to it, and so closely that we may expect it continually to reappear in power as often as it puts itself even temporarily on the side of right and good government.

The Society of Tammany Hall has had a continued uninterrupted history of 136 years. The city of New York during the greater portion of these years has remained under its political domination. Anti-Tammany forces, usually dubbed the Fusion Party, have now and then, when conditions became too bad, been able to oust the Tammany organisation, but only for brief periods.

J. W. J.

TANISTRY. An ancient Irish custom, by which the lands of a deceased lord descended not to the nearest relative, but to the most capable and powerful of his near relatives. This custom, by causing continual quarrels in families, and quarrels in Ireland were not settled without fighting in those days, tended to perpetuate the unsettled state of the country. When the reform of Irish affairs was undertaken in the reign of James I., tanistry was declared illegal.

[Hallam, Constitutional History, vol. iii. ch. xviii.]

A. E. S.

TANTEO. A privilege granted to Spanish manufacturers, empowering them to prevent the export of raw material, such as silk, wool, corn, etc., produced in Spain, and which was required in their trade.

[Canga Argüelles, Diccionario de la Hacienda (London, 1826).]

E. Ca.

He

TAPIA, CARLO (DI) MARCHESE DI BELMONTE (17th century). Born at Lanciano (Abruzzi), a magistrate with jurisdiction over the provision markets in the kingdom of Naples. wrote a treatise on Abundance, in which he shows the need of modification in the system of food supply then existing, so as to meet the requirements of the day, of which, as a magistrate responsible for the corn supply of the kingdom, he had practical knowledge. classifies the causes of famine into those that are supernatural, natural, and accidental, and explains the regulations as to food supply then enforced by governments and practically upheld by all writers. He does not, like these, express absolute aversion to trade as a means of subsistence, and recognises the injury incurred by the prohibition of export of corn; he would

He

516

allow the export of any surplus in order that agriculture might not suffer through restriction. Though Tapia advocates a fixed legal price for corn, he suggests that, in doing this, account should be taken of cost of production, in order, partially at least, to satisfy both sellers and buyers.

Trattato dell' abbondanza (written earlier), Naples, 1638.

[See Gobbi, L'economia politica negli scrit tori italiani del secolo XVIe. XVII., Milan, Hoepli, 1889.-La concorrenza estera, etc., Milan, Hoepli, 1884.- Fornari, Delle teorie economiche nelle provincie Napoletane, Milan, Hoepli, 1882.]

U. R.

TARE AND TRET. These terms are becoming obsolete in practical commerce, but are still found in books on arithmetic. Tare

is an allowance for the weight of the box or package containing goods bought; Tret an allowance of 4 lb. in 104 lb. for waste; CLOFF, another term now obsolete, was an allowance of 2 lb. in 3 cwt., made in order that the retailer might cover the loss incurred in dividing the goods into small parcels for sale, and sell the whole for the same weight as he bought it.

[Penny Cyclopædia, Art. "Tare."] A. E. S. TARGIONI, LUIGI (18th to 19th century), a Neapolitan writer, the author of several pamphlets, the most important being one on the means of providing for the numerous poor in the kingdom of Naples. Targioni attributed the increase of begging to the raising the nominal value of the coins, to the condition of agriculture-the excessive taxation, and the deficiency of means of communication. The improvement of these conditions was the only method of providing work for able-bodied men. Targioni advocated compelling the rich to help the poor in order to provide for the incapable. Saggi fisici, politici ed economici, 1786.-Idee relative ai mezzi migliori per mantenere ed impiegare i poveri, 1802.-Memoria sulla agricoltura e la pastorizia, etc., Naples, 1814 (see Fornari, Delle teorie economiche nelle provincie napoletane II., 1888).

U. R.

between Norfolk and North Carolina; (2) Plan for insulating the Metropolis (1797); (3) Remarks on Inland Canals (1798); (4) Political Economy of Inland Navigation (1799)—this, his most important work, incorporates (2) and (3), and is mainly practical, but refers to Sir J. Stewart's theories on self-interest, population, and the scope of political economy as authoritative, pp. 65 et seq.; (5) National Irrigation (1801) mainly abstracted from the reports organised by the British board of agriculture; (6) and two reports On the Navigation of the Thames. His (7) Communications concerning the Agriculture and Commerce of the United States (1800)-a supplement to a communication to the board of agriculture; (8) Essay on the Culture and Commerce of Tobacco (1800); (9) Oxen for Tillage (1801); (10) Circular Architecture (1803); and reports on (11) Tennessee, and (12) Virginia, are drier but practical. His (13) Collection of Sundry Documents respecting Himself (1797), is autobiographical.

[Appleton, Cyclopædia of American Biography (1889).]

J. D. R.

TAULA DE CAMBI (Catalan for table of exchange). In 1401 a bank of exchange and deposits was founded under this name in Barcelona; its operations spread rapidly, and in a royal charter granted in 1472 by King Juan II. it is described as "Tabula insignis, celebris et tutissima." In Valencia, where, as in Catalonia, the laws against usury were not so stringent as in the rest of Europe, a bank was also established under the same name by royal charter, and worked under the supervision of the municipal authorities of the city.

[See Colmeiro, Historia de la Economia Politica en España, i. pp. 411-12.] E. Ca.

TAVEREEL (or TAFEREEL)

"The

Het groote Tavereel der Dwaasheid. great picture of Folly, representing the rise, progress, and decline of the trade in Shares, Bubbles and Wind, in France, England, and the NetherBeing a collection of lands, in the year 1720.

all the Rules and Projects of the Companies started for Assurance, Navigation, Commerce, etc., in the Netherlands, both those actually carried out and those rejected by the governments of particular provinces.

"With Engravings, Comedies, and Poems, by several amateurs, in mockery of these shameful and fraudulent concerns whereby in this year so many families and persons, gentle and semple, have been ruined and impoverished, and whereby genuine business has been brought to a standstill, both in France, England, and the Netherlands.

"So long as money-loving man

Is full-equipt with gold and gear
He falls sure prey to charlatan

Whom grasping fools feed all the year. "Printed for the warning of posterity in the year fatal to so many wise men and fools, 1720."

The above is a free translation of the title-page

of a singular anonymous folio volume, without name or place of publication, but perhaps published by Isaak Stokman, Amsterdam, whose name occurs on pamphlets often included in the collection. The list of companies and undertakings was, however, published by C. Hoffeling at the Hague in 1721. The elaborate frontispiece representing the Share - Booth or Vestibule of Quincampoix (the Exchange Alley of Paris in those days), the account of the various Dutch companies (25 pages) at the beginning, and the series of Dutch comedies (52 pp.) and Dutch poems (35 pp.) at the end, are common to most copies; but the number and the order of the engravings differ very greatly in the different copies. They are usually between sixty and ninety in number, including the portraits of John LAW, who is the bête noire of all the artists. Nearly all the cartoons have interpreting verses or mottoes in Dutch; French occurs rarely, English more rarely still. A full account is given of the whole book in Frederik Muller's Tavereel der Dwaasheid, reprinted from the Beredeneerde beschrijving van Nederlandsche Historieprenten, pt. ii. (Fred. Muller, Amsterdam, 1876). See also the catalogue of satirical prints in the British Museum, vol. ii., 1837, No. 1612-1693.

TAXATION

J. B.

History, p. 517; General Principles, p. 518; Tax Systems, p. 519; Classification and Incidence, p. 520; (1) Taxes on Land, p. 520; (2) On Houses, p. 521; (3) On Property and Capital, p. 521; (4) On' Income, p. 521; (5) Customs, p. 521; (6) Excise, p.522; (7) On Communications and Transport, p. 523; (8) Stamps, p. 523; (9) Death duties, p. 523.

HISTORY." A tax is a compulsory contribution of the wealth of a person or body of persons for the service of the public powers (Bastable, Pub. Finance, 1903, bk. iii. ch. i. §3). The contribution is not necessarily one of money or goods, for compulsory military service and FORCED LABOUR (q.v. and CORVÉE) must be reckoned in the category of taxes. Dealing here, however, with money and goods only, we find that a contribution of such was, until comparatively recent times, as a rule merely a supplement to other sources of public revenue, such as crown lands and mines, penalties, feudal aids, etc. Hence Blackstone, writing in 1765, terms these last the "ordinary" revenue of the English kings, whilst he classes taxes as "extraordinary" (Commentaries, bk. i. ch. 8).

In ancient Egypt there was no taxation proper, the payment by the peasants to the king of one-fifth of the produce of their lands being rather in the nature of a métayer rent than a land-tax (see Herodotus, bk. ii. 109).

In Greece the ordinary revenue of the Athenian state, arising from tribute and the silver mines at Laureion, was supplemented by taxes in the shape of customs and tolls, a percentage on rates, fees for state protection, law1 Tax, short for taxatio, from low Latin taxare, is the same as assessment. It occurs in the Statute Book first in 1327. (Dowell, History of Taxation, 2nd ed.

D. xii.).

517

court fees, and fines. The extraordinary revenue required for war purposes was obtained partly from voluntary contributions, partly from a graduated income or property tax. Rich citizens were further liable to special burdens, called leiturgies, as the giving of plays and the equipping of ships (Gilbert, The Constitutional Antiquities of Sparta and Athens, 349-376).

With the Romans the system of taxation was better organised. DowELL (1st ed., pt. i. ch. iii.) gives the following as the principal taxes in use by them at different times and in different countries-tribute from lands, taxes on houses and animals, successions, income taxes on senators, tradesmen, and others, poll taxes; with, as indirect taxes, duties on exports and imports, and on commodities sold at auction, or in the public market (see also Clamagéran, Histoire de l'impôt en France, i. 1-108).

With the decline of the Roman power the system of taxation also fell into confusion. According to Hallam (Middle Ages, ch. ii. pt. ii.) "the early European kingdoms knew neither the necessities, nor ingenuity of modern finance. From their demesne lands (see DEMESNE), the kings of France and Lombardy supplied the common expenses of a barbarous court. Even Charlemagne regulated the economy of his farms with the minuteness of a steward. . . . Their actual revenue was chiefly derived from free gifts, made, according to an ancient German custom, at the annual assemblies. . . of the nation, from amercements paid by alodial proprietors for default of military service, and from the freda or fines accruing to the judge out of compositions for murder."

sufficed originally for all ordinary purposes, In England the rent of the royal demesne but in Anglo-Saxon times we find occasional land-taxes in the shape of Shipgeld (see SHIPMONEY) and DANEGELD, and a HEARTH-TAX. Subsequently the incidents and casualties of the feudal tenures afforded for nearly six centuries a considerable revenue, the charges being, however, rather occasional extortion from individuals than systematic taxation. Expenses of wars were provided for partly by levy of scutage in lieu of KNIGHT'S SERVICE, and TALLAGE (q.v.), all the demesne contributing to the latter sums, fixed after negotiation with the exchequer officers. Towards the end of the 13th century SCUTAGE and tallage were practically superseded by general taxes on movables, granted from time to time by parliament. These were known from 1334 to 1623 as FIFTEENTHS AND TENTHS, and were represented by a lump sum. About the same period also CUSTOMS DUTIES began to be important as permanent sources of revenue. From 1377 poll-taxes were tried at intervals till 1698, but were unpopular on

account of their directness and inequality. Early in the 15th century special taxes were imposed occasionally on landowners and holders of rent-charges. These developed later into forms of a graduated income-tax. In the Tudor period SUBSIDIES, raised nominally by a poundage rate on lands and goods, were granted to supplement fifteenths and tenths. This system of direct taxation, together with increasing duties of customs, supplied the crown with revenue until, under Charles I., parliamentary control temporarily ceased. By this time almost all the demesne had been granted away. During the Commonwealth MONTHLY ASSESSMENTS took the place of subsidies, and the EXCISE was introduced. After the Restoration, the various direct taxes hitherto levied merged by degrees into a LAND TAX of varying but moderate amount, the rapidly increasing needs of the state being met by additional duties of customs and excise, by stamp, house, licence and death duties, and by an income tax, till by the close of the Napoleonic wars hardly a luxury, or even a necessary, hardly a manufacture, escaped charge. The subsequent history of taxation in this country is one mainly of repeal, reduction, and adjustment, under the combined influence of the diminution of pressure, the study of general principles, and the growth of democracy (Dowell, 2nd ed., vols. i. and ii.).

GENERAL PRINCIPLES.-The grounds for adopting the different kinds of taxes at various times, and in various conditions of society, were practical rather than theoretical, and it was only towards the end of the 18th century that the general principles which should govern taxation began to be seriously considered. These may be expressed in the well-known maxims of Adam SMITH (Wealth of Nations, bk. v. ch. ii. pt. ii.).

(1) "The subjects of every state ought to contribute towards the support of the government, as nearly as possible in proportion to their respective abilities; that is, in proportion to the revenue which they respectively enjoy under the protection of the state."

(2) "The tax which each individual is bound to pay, ought to be certain, and not arbitrary. The form of payment, the manner of payment, the quantity to be paid, ought all to be clear and plain to the contributor, and to every other person."

(3) "Every tax ought to be levied at the time, or in the manner, in which it is most likely to be convenient for the contributor to pay it."

(4) "Every tax ought to be so contrived as both to take out and to keep out of the pockets of the people as little as possible over and above what it brings into the public treasury of the state."

These maxims, which may be shortly described

as inculcating equality, certainty, convenience and economy, although adopted by most economic writers, have of late been subjected to hostile criticism (e.g. F. A. WALKER, Political *Economy, §§ 587-589). Bastable (Pub. Finance, bk. iii. ch. vii.), surveying the most prominent attempts to supply a fresh series of precepts, lays down the following principles for the guidance of the practical financier :- Taxation should be (1) productive; (2) economicalthat is, inexpensive in collection and of a nature to retard as little as possible the growth of wealth; (3) justly distributed; and (4) elastic. That it should be (5) certain, and (6) convenient, he regards as matters of less interest, these canons being now generally observed. In the event of conflict betweeen the several canons, a solution of the difficulty should be reached by the surrender of the less important rule. Thus, the successful administration of the state being the final object, convenience, or even equity, may have to yield to productiveness. (See also Dowell, Income Tax Laws, 4th ed. p. lxi.).

Reverting to Adam Smith's four maxims, it may be observed that the last three are obvious rules or administrative precepts respecting taxes, to be followed in the case of each separate But the first is a rule of taxation, and is applicable to the tax system in general. Taking the rule as a whole, it has been urged that its precise meaning is open to doubt. The last

tax.

six words, "under the protection of the state,” "are either irrelevant, or else they mean that the protection enjoyed affords the measure of the duty to contribute" (F. A. Walker, Political Economy, § 588). If this interpretation were correct the rule would embody the favourite doctrine of the 17th and 18th centuries, that taxes are a quid pro quo-the price paid for the services of the public authorities. This doctrine was employed as a plea for universality of taxation at a time when, whilst receiving at least equal benefits, certain privileged classes were exempted, as in France before the Revolution, when the peasant bore the whole cost of government. It is, however, no longer accepted. "It is now generally agreed that we pay taxes not because the state protects us, or because we get any benefits from the state, but simply because the state is a part of us. The duty of

supporting and protecting it is born with us" (Seligman, Essays in Taxation, p. 72. See also Ely, Taxation in American States and Cities, pp. 13-18). To some small extent, indeed, it may be possible to measure the value of the services rendered by government in matters of law and police, and to exact payment in the shape of fees; but it is manifestly impossible to assess each individual for the benefit accruing to his person and property by the maintenance of national existence and social order (Sidgwick, Political Economy, pp. 560, 561; Cohn, Science