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The Wealth of Nations was translated by Blavet piecemeal for the Journal de l'Agriculture of Ameilhon, 1779 and 1780, and then published in 6 vols. 12mo at Yverdun, and 3 vols. in Paris, 1781. Another translation, by the poet Roucher, not, as he had hoped, assisted by Condorcet, 3 vols. 8vo, 1790. But the translation of Count Germain GARNIER superseded its rivals. It was published in 5 vols. 8vo, Paris, 1802. It has a Life and a portrait from the Tassie medallion, reversed. The 1st volume contains a long preface, including Garnier's famous Method for facilitating the Study of the Wealth of Nations. He regards the main doctrine of Adam Smith as all contained in the first two books; the rest can be read separately for illustration. He then divides the subject of the two books into three parts: (1) Value, including price, wages, profit, and rent; (2) stock, including fixed and circulating capital; (3) production and distribution of wealth, including division of labour, employments of capital, exchange. Garnier's last volume (v.) consists entirely of notes and index. In 1843-44 Garnier's translation was republished in 2 vols. 8vo with variorum notes from Blanqui (the editor), Buchanan, M'Culloch, Malthus, Ricardo, Mill, Sisinondi, and Say. There was a new portrait. For more details see the French Dict. de l'Ec. Pol.

The first German translation appeared anonymously in 1776-78-vol. i. 1776, vol. ii. 1778 (Leipzig, Weidmann). It is ascribed to J. F. Schiller, who is not to be identified with the poet. (Prof. Cohn calls him a German living in London, Nat. Oek. Grundlegung, 1885, p. 110.) The first German review seems to have been in the Göttingische gelehrte Anzeigen, 10th March and 5th April 1777 (Roscher, Nat. Oek. in D., p. 599). There was a translation by the philosopher GARVE and the official Dörrien in 3 volumes, 1794, which reached a 3rd edition in 1810, Roscher, ib. 603; by Max Stirner in 1846-47; and, finally, by C. W. Asher, under the title Ueber die Quellen des Volkswohlstandes, Stuttgart, in 1861.

The Essays were translated into French by P. Prévost of Geneva, 2 vols., Paris, 1797. Mr. Rae tells us, ch. xxiv., that a Danish translation of the Wealth of Nations by Dræbye appeared in 1779-80, an Italian in 1780, and a Spanish by J. A. ORTIZ in 1794, after the book had been suppressed by the Inquisition for "the lowness of its style and the looseness of its morals."

Germany has made amends for a late recognition of Adam Smith by publishing more monographs on him than any other nation. In England he has had a place in almost every treatise on political economy in the century, but monographs have been fewer, even if we include articles in reviews (as BAGEHOT's and Cliffe LESLIE'S). The Dutch monograph by J. F. B. Baert, Adam Smith and his Inquiry into the Wealth of Nations, Leyden, 1858, must be mentioned. Professor Rösler's Grundlehren der von Ad. Smith begründeten Volkswirthschaftstheorie, Erlangen, 1868, contains the paradox that what Adam Smith calls in one place division of labour he calls in another capital. Professor Leser has treated of the Notion of Wealth in Adam Smith (1874), and Professor Oncken of Adam Smith in der Culturgeschichte, Wien, 1874; and in "Das Adam SmithProblem," Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft, I. Band, 4 Heft, Berlin, 1898: Professor Inama Sternegg, of his Bedeutung für die mod. Natiök., 1876. Professor Oncken, in his Adam Smith und Immanuel Kant (1877), tries to make us believe in a close kinship between the two philosophers. Perhaps the best of recent books of the kind are those of Dr. R. Zeyss, Ad. Smith und der Eigennutz, Tübingen, 1889, and Prof. W. Hasbach, Die allgemeinen philosophischen Grundlagen; of Quesnay's and Adam Smith's political economy (1890); and Untersuchungen über Adam Smith (1891). Both writers embrace the philosophy as well as the economics, as is done on a smaller scale in Bonar's Philosophy and Pol. Ec. (1893). Dr. Zeyss disposes inter alia of the notion of Skarzynski, Ad. Smith als Moral Philosoph, 1878, that Adam Smith's philosophical views were completely changed by his French journey. Adam Smith's relations to Quesnay are fully discussed by Hasbach, and to Turgot by Dr. S. Feilbogen, Smith und Turgot (Wien. 1892).

For general estimates of Smith's economics, see L. L. Price, Political Economy in England, 1891, ch. i., and Economic Science and Practice, Essay XII., "Adam Smith and his relations to recent Economics," 1896.-J. S. Nicholson, A Project of Empire, 1909.

For an estimate of his views on taxation, see Prof. Bastable's Public Finance (1903) throughout, where simongst other things there is noted the remarkable omis

sion of the poor rate in connection with taxation (p. 81), perhaps due to the absence of a Poor Law in Scotland. Mr. Edwin Cannan, History of Theories of Production and Distribution, 1776-1848 (1893), gives a full discussion of Adam Smith.-Buckle, Civilis., i. 195 n., has chronicled the occasions on which Adam Smith was mentioned in parliament during the first seventeen years after publication of the Wealth of Nations. The first was in 1783.— Toynbee, Industrial Revolution, ch. vii., 1884, considers Adam Smith's relation to the mercantilists. estimates of the Moral Sentiments, it will be sufficient to refer to Mackintosh's Dissertation on Ethical Philosophy, and Sir Leslie Stephen's English Thought in the Eighteenth Century, vol. ii.

J. B.

For

SMITH, CHARLES (1713-77), a wealthy owner of corn-mills chiefly in Essex, wrote

The

A Short Essay on the Corn Trade and the Corn Laws (1758), and Considerations on the laws relating to the Importation and Exportation of Grain, and A Collection of Papers relative to the Price, Exportation, and Importation of Corn, both published 1766 and called "second edition." whole was republished in 1804, plus notes by Catherwood and extracts from Chalmers's Estimate, etc. C. Smith's list of corn prices (1595-1765) (ed. 1804, p. 123) was taken from the Eton audit books either directly or through Bishop FLEETWOOD (Chronicon Preciosum (1707), pp. 125-130), and was utilised by A. YOUNG (Farmer's Letters (1767), pp. 40, 48), Combrune (Inquiry (1768), pp. 36, 37), and others, until Thorold ROGERS did the same work on a far larger scale in his History of Agriculture and Prices (1887), vol. v. pp. 170 et seq.; official figures began only in 1771. A. SMITH who speaks highly of C. Smith's work refers also to the obvious fallacy of his and A. Young's approval of the export bounties levied since 1688 on corn because they cheapened corn (Wealth of Nations, ed. M'Culloch, p. 224). Although he wrote, "Quantity alone can frustrate all attempts to ingross or forestall, so that if crops are good "no art can inhance the price of grain," if bad, "no art or regulation of government will keep the prices low' (p. 92), C. Smith praised the "discreet" use of assizes of bread, corn duties, and corn bounties.

J. D. R.

SMITH, EDOUARD (1789-1852), director of statistics in the Belgian ministry of the interior, wrote:

Statistique Nationale, Développement des trente et un tableaux publiés par la Commission de Statistique et relatifs aux mouvements de la population dans les Pays Bas depuis la création du royaume jusqu'en 1824 (Brussels, 1827).—Statistique des Pays Bas publiée au nom de la Commission Royale (Brussels, 1827-1829).—Recherches sur la reproduction et la mortalité de l'homme aux différents ages et sur la population de la Belgique (1832).Statistique criminelle de la Belgique (1832), and Recherches statistiques sur la Belgique faites au nom du Ministère de l'Intérieur (1836). E. Ca.

SMITH, ERASMUS PESCHINE (1814-1882), studied in Columbia College, New York, and in Harvard Law School, was an editor in Rochester, N. Y., and for two years professor of mathematics in the university of Rochester. He resigned this position to be superintendent of public instruction for the state of New York (1852), and was subsequently reporter of the court of appeals

of the same state. He served the national government as commissioner of immigration and as examiner of claims. In 1871 he went to Japan as special adviser to the Mikado in international law, serving for five years as a sort of foreign secretary, during which time treaties were negotiated and better relations established with several European countries. While in this position he was instrumental in breaking up the Chinese coolie trade.

His Manual of Political Economy (New York, 1853) was translated into French by Camille Baquet in the year after its publication.

He

is a close disciple of Henry C. CAREY (q.v.), expressly waiving in his preface any claims of originality as against him. The book deserves attention, however, for its emphasis of the physical conditions of production and its analysis of the methods by which soils are produced. His definition of the object of political economy is quite in the spirit of Carey: To investigate the laws which explain man's attainment, through association, of enlarged power over matter in all its forms, and the development of his intellectual and moral faculties, in virtue of that power. E. T. d.

SMITH, HENRY (1550-d. about 1592), lecturer at St. Clement Dane's.

Was the author of the Examination of Usurie (two sermons appended to the Preparative to Marriage), 1591. In these the condemnation of usury, elaborately founded on scripture, is extended not only to loans to the poor and needy, but to money lent at interest in business, on the ground that lenders expect to share in gains but not in losses. The inference that to a lender who consented to take his part in losses interest might reasonably be paid, is prevented by a later passage where the preacher forbids the borrowing of capital, first because people should not wish to be richer than their own means can make them -an empty maxim-and secondly because prices must rise if interest as well as profit is to come out of them. The relation between profit and interest is not clearly seen; through Jewish practices the word "usury" had gained an ill reputation, and the innocent thing was prejudiced by its name (see CANON LAW; INTEREST AND USURY).

[Wood, Athena Oxonienses, vol. i. with discussion on date of death.-Fuller, Church Hist. Chalmers, Biographical Dictionary.-Cunningham, Industry and Commerce, Modern Times, pp. 79-82.]

E. G. P.

SMITH, JOHN. A London merchant: Was the author of the Trade and Fishing of Great Britain displayed, 1661, and of England's Improvement Reviv'd, 1673 (written and intended to be published a few years earlier). The former describes a journey round the north and west of Scotland, with the object of investigating native and Dutch methods of fishing, and includes an account of the Orkney and Shetland Islands, and proposals for so conducting the fishing as to oust the Dutch; a slight historical sketch is added of the successive control of trade by the "Venetians, Genoese, Portingals, EASTERLINGS, or HANSE TOWNS, Hollanders, and English.' When he wrote this, Smith was apprenticed to "Mr.

425

Matthew Cradoch of London, merchant, one of the society for the fishing trade of Great Britain."

His other work was written to encourage timbergrowing. After pointing out the damage done by careless and wasteful felling of trees, without replanting, especially on royal lands for the navy, the writer gives full directions for the planting and cultivation of different trees, with accounts of their special uses, and calculations of cost according to the spaces to be left between them. The tract on fishing was incorporated as the sixth book of this work.

[Preface to England's Improvement Reviv'd.]

SMITH, JOHN (18th century)—

E. G. P.

Was the compiler of a highly valuable work on the wool-trade, entitled Chronicon RusticumCommerciale, or Memoirs of Wool, etc.; being a collection of History and Argument concerning the woollen manufacture and woollen trade in general, particularly the rise, progress, improvements, declensions, revolutions, and the respective causes thereof in England; as also an account of the several laws from time to time made and of many schemes offered for preventing the exportation of raw wool, with occasional notes, dissertations, and reflections upon the whole, London, 1747, 2 vols. 8vo; 2nd ed., 1756-57, 2 vols. 4to-a most careful and detailed account of the incidents and references relating to the woollen and cloth trade from the earliest mention of wool until the middle of the 18th century. He quotes from the parliamentary petitions, statutes, patent and other rolls, of each reign, and inserts all the available contemporary literature of each period bearing upon the subject. In this way he prints' "W.S.'s" Compendium or brief examination of certain ordinary Complaints of divers of our Countrymen in these our Days (ch. xxiii.); A Treatise of Commerce, or a brief history of the merchant adventurers, by John Wheeler, secretary to that society (ch. xxv.); John May's Declaration of the state of clothing now used within this realm of England; also the writings of MISSELDEN, MALYNES, and (ch. xlvii.) Sir Josiah CHILD'S New Discourse of Trade. He continues to embody in his work the writings of many small economic writers of each period, and with whose works it is not otherwise easy to become acquainted. He strongly urges a duty on wool as the principal means of restraining its being exported raw, on the grounds that "an absolute prohibition hath never yet had the effect that was genuinely intended by it." The writer of these "Memoirs" was immediately attacked by a Mr. Temple, who, as Smith himself summed up, charged him upon the four following points: (1) that Mr. Smith had made that the price of the best English wool which was very far from being so; (2) that he had treated the wools of Cotswold as the finest clothing wools of England, which they are not; (3) that the best Spanish wools were not at Amsterdam in 1719 of the price mentioned (Mem. ch. 172); (4) that most of the Spanish wools are of a lower price than the lowest there mentioned; (5) that the author has shown great ignorance in making any comparison between the 1 See also WILLIAM STAFFORD.

price of English wool, as sold from the farmers in England, and Spanish, as well as obtained for wools at the market of Amsterdam.

All these objections Smith replied to in a volume entitled The Case of the English Farmer and his Landlord in answer to Mr. Temple's pretended Refutation of one of the Principal Arguments in Memoirs of Wool, London, 1750 (?), 8vo.Smith also published A Review of the Manufacturers' Complaints against the Wool Grower, pt. i. Wherein of Pitch and Tar Marks, the Excess, the Injury, and their respective Remedies, are considered minutely, London, 1753, 8vo.

The dearness of wool, said the Manufacturers' Petition, tended to cause the farmers to increase

the weight of their wool by excessive pitching and tarring. Also they complained of false and deceitful winding. Smith defended the growers by disputing the charge of over-marking; and proposes as a remedy to reduce the necessary brandings and to limit their size, and to prohibit the use of tar or pitch in other markings made by the owner.

A. L

SMITH, JOSHUA TOULMIN (1816-1869), was an ardent writer on local self-government and its history.

The best known of his many works is The Parish: its Obligations and Powers (1854, 2nd ed. 1857). Besides this, he made the collection of returns from English Gilds, afterwards published under that title by the Early English Text Society (1870). These furnished for some years the only, as they do still the chief printed material for the history of the "social-religious" fraternities of England during the middle ages. Local Selfgovernment and Centralisation, the characteristics of each, and its Practical Tendencies as affecting Social, Moral, and Political Welfare and Progress. London, 1851, 8vo, pp. 408. This treatise states the broad permanent principles of the English constitution, and their historic application to great questions of law and economics, with some contrasted infringements.

W. J. A.

SMITH, PRINCE. See PRINCE-SMITH. SMITH, SIR THOMAS (1514 or 1515-1577), was born at Saffron Walden and educated at Cambridge, where he became regius professor of civil law; he was employed under Edward VI. and Elizabeth as ambassador and secretary of

state.

He was one of the most active movers in the Elizabethan attempt to colonise Ulster. His chief literary work was The Commonwealth of England, an imitation in the first part of Aristotle's Politics, and a description, historically interesting, of English ranks and classes, and of the English constitution and law courts, with a view to the comparison of our common law with the civil law used by continental nations. The book, though it is not remarkable as a literary or philosophical work, is valuable as comprising a considerable number of important details concerning legal procedure and social distinctions-the clear line which could be drawn then between the classes of esquires, yeomen, and farmers, etc., in contrast to our present looseness of class, is particularly to be noticed (Strype's Lije, ed. 1820, p. 85, note).

Sir Thomas Smith also wrote elaborate tables of money, especially as a guide to the calculation of Roman money in English denominations; they are printed at the end of the Life.

[Strype, Life of Sir Thomas Smith.-Wright, Queen Elizabeth and her Times, contains much of Smith's correspondence with Lord Burleigh.]

E. G, P.

SNELLING, THOMAS (1712-1773), a Fleet Street bookseller and coin-dealer, wrote:

(1) A View of the (a) Silver (1762), (b) Gold (1763), and (c) Copper (1766) Coin and Coinage of England from (a) William I., (b) Henry III., and (c) Elizabeth respectively, down to George II., with copper-plate engravings and

historical and critical notes. The plan had been devised by the Society of Antiquaries, whose members-S. M. LEAKE and Martin FOLKES-had carried it out, but far less accurately and completely than Snelling. His (2) View of the Origin, Nature, and Use of Jettons (1769); (3) Miscellaneous Views of the Coins struck by English Princes in France, etc., by the East India Company West India Colonies, etc. (1769), and (4) Supplement to Mr. Simon's Essay on Irish Coins (after 1769) throw light (amongst other things) on the connection of coinage, traders' tokens (which perhaps an ancestor of his coined; Boyne, Trade Tokens of the Seventeenth Century, ed. Williamson (1889), p. 704) or promissory notes, and municipal charities, and are still authoritative (Antiquary (1873), pp. 8, 165, 309); (5) His View of the Silver Coin and Coinage of Scotland (1774) shows that he had begun to do for Scotland what he did for England, and displays critical sagacity of a very high order (E. Burns, Coinage of Scotland (1887), i. 98, 99; ii. 113). His (6) View of the Coins at this time current throughout Europe (1766), and (7) Doctrine of Gold and Silver Computations (1766) are less important. He also published engravings of (8) Seventy-Two Plates (1757) (prepared in 1652-Numismatic Chronicle, 2nd ser., xiv. 159; Ducarel, Anglo-Gallic Coins (1757) p. 3); (9) Five Plates of Gold Coins, etc., of Scotland-an appendix to (5) and (10); ThirtyThree Plates of English Medals (1776). Some of his plates for (1) had strayed into Ducarel's book, and into Twelve Plates of English Silver Coin printed for Withy and Ryall (1756); and most of his plates were prepared by F. Perry, J. Lodge, C. Hall, and others; but whatever was "printed for Snelling," though coarse when judged by modern standards, is still invaluable.

[Ruding, Annals, 3rd ed. (1841), p. x.; R. W. Cochran-Patrick, Records of the Coinage of Scotland (1876), pp. 6, 7; E. Hawkins, Silver Coins of England, ed. Kenyon (1887), pp. 3, 4.] J. D. R.

SOCAGE. The chief free tenures in mediæval England were tenure by KNIGHT'S SERVICE, tenure in SERJEANTY, FRANKALMOIGN, and socage. Socage has been defined as the great residual term, which includes all free tenures not included under the other heads. Thus there is great variety as to the conditions of socage tenants-some hold on condition of almost nominal service, some on payment of a

resigned all his natural rights into the hands of a particular person or body of persons, on condition that every one else did the same. Thus they created a sovereign who was not indeed a party to the social contract, but who derived from it an absolute authority which could not be revoked, because the members of society had reserved no rights to themselves. The sovereign was subject neither to legal nor to moral restraint, and political liberty meant merely liberty to do that which the sovereign had not forbidden.

Social Contract, p. 427; Social Science, p. 428; Social Science (Sociology), p. 480. SOCIAL CONTRACT, THE. The doctrine of the social contract may be described as the doctrine that every state owes its existence and constitution to the free and deliberate agreement of its original members, and that its present members by continuing within it are presumed to acquiesce voluntarily in its authority by reason of receiving its advantages. It thus involves the assumption of a state of nature and a law of nature antecedent to civil society and to civil law. The date of its origin is difficult to fix, for the theory that society has its origin in convention is as old as the Greek sophists, and has been in vogue at intervals ever since. It is easier to fix the time at which the doctrine of the social contract had most influence. With the decline of medieval beliefs men felt the necessity of some justification for the authority of the state, apart from theological arguments or ideas of feudal tenure. Science was still so little advanced that hardly any one thought of asking how the state has actually arisen. The notion of an original compact became popular in the 17th and 18th centuries. The three most celebrated exponents of this notion are HOBBES, LOCKE, and ROUSSEAU.

Hobbes's conception of the social contract is set forth in his Leviathan (1651). As he had been profoundly impressed with the miseries of civil discord in England, he sought to found on the social contract a system of absolute government. He assumed an original state of nature in which man was subject only to the natural law of self-preservation, and was therefore justified in taking every advantage of his fellowcreatures. Such a state of nature was necessarily a state of universal war, and whilst it lasted the life of man was "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short." The same law of selfpreservation constrained men to seek for an escape from this wretched condition. Therefore they came together and entered into a covenant,

Locke, in his Treatise on Civil Government (1690), gave a new complexion to the theory of the social contract. According to Locke the state of nature was one of freedom and equality. Whilst in that state men were subject to the law of nature which restrained their rights over their own or their neighbours' life and property. Thus the state of nature was not necessarily a state of war or of misery. It was, however, a state of insecurity, as there was no impartial and irresistible arbiter to protect each individual in the enjoyment of his rights. Therefore men agreed to form a society and to resign to a ruling authority so much of their natural rights as was necessary for this purpose. They could not invest their governors with unlimited rights over life and property, for they had not possessed such rights themselves. Nor could they be supposed to resign more of their natural rights than they were obliged to do, in order to secure the benefits of civil society. Therefore the sovereign could not claim more than a limited authority, and if he betrayed his trust, he might lawfully be deposed. In this way constitutional government was made to appear the logical corollary of the social contract.

Rousseau published his famous book on the social contract in 1762. In this work he combines some elements derived from Hobbes, with other elements derived from Locke. He seeks to harmonise the absolute authority of the sovereign with the absolute freedom of the citizen. The aim of the social contract, he taught, was "to find a form of association which may defend and protect, with the whole force of the community, the person and property of every associate, and by means of which, each coalescing with all, may nevertheless obey only himself and remain as free as before." Like Hobbes, Rousseau held that, by the social pact, each individual surrendered the whole of his natural rights. But, unlike Hobbes, he held that the community formed by this pact necessarily remained sovereign. Sovereignty being inalienable and indivisible, the "prince," i.e. the government, could only be a subordinate authority. The " prince" wielded the execu tive power, but the legislative power always remained with the people, and when the people assembled they resumed plenary authority, and

the "prince" was suspended from his functions. With ingenious sophistry, Rousseau tries to prove that this absolute power of the body means the absolute freedom of its members, so that when an individual suffers death in virtue of a law enacted by the people, he is really a consenting party to his own execution, and if he thinks otherwise, is not thinking clearly. It will be clear, from what has been said, that each writer will deduce from the hypothesis of a social contract the legitimacy of that form of government which he thinks most beneficial. The hypothesis rests on a sharp distinction between the state of nature and the social state, between the law of nature and the civil law. But these distinctions have no basis in history. From the first, men lived in rudimentary associations, and these passed by gradual development into what we call political society. How the state has arisen is a purely historical question which must be solved by the collection and interpretation of historical evidence. No genuine instance of a social contract has been found, nor, if found, would it support inferences like those drawn by Hobbes, Locke, or Rousseau. That savages could foresee the political needs of later generations, or bind those generations by their covenant, has been proved absurd by anthropology. Nevertheless, the theory of the social contract contains in mythical form a serious truth. Government cannot be justified simply on grounds of force, of tradition or even of instinct. It can be justified only on the ground that it conduces to the good of the governed. It is most powerful when it has their conscious approval. In this sense it is true that the consent of the governed is the basis of government. The theory of the social contract had the merit of contradicting the theories which based government on divine right, on patriarchal right, or on proprietary right. It was an instrument of intellectual and social revolution, not a scientific summary of historical fact.

[Hobbes, Leviathan and De Cive.-Locke, Civil Government.-Rousseau, Contrat Social.-Hume, Essays.-Green, Theory of Political Obligation.— Ritchie, Natural Rights.-Pollock, History of the Science of Politics.-Bluntschli, Theory of the State.]

F. C. M.

SOCIAL SCIENCE. Social science is a new word for the old Greek science of politics-which included every kind of human association. But the old point of view had been shifted and enriched by medieval writers, who looked more at the spirit which created than at the thing created, and whenever the social sense wove some spiritual texture, or struck some unintended harmony, their first impulse was to contrast it with the state; and they believed in universal history: "The entire succession of men," wrote Pascal, "must be regarded as one man always living and incessantly learning."

That is why TURGOT and HEGEL took for their theme "l'esprit humain," or "Volksgeist," and rang on it subtler and more various changes than ARISTOTLE dreamt of. And the results of Greek thought had been so clean forgotten that Vico (1725) called his science-founded on the axiom that man is social-"a new science," "the philosophy of humanity," etc. ; and DUPONT (1768) attributed the "discovery that "natural" meant "social" law, to GOURNAY and QUESNAY (1755), and this too was called new science' "la science sociale et économique," etc. (Ephémérides d'un citoyen, 1767). After J. B. SAY (1803)-much to Dupont's regret (1815)-sacrificed social to economic science, FOURIER (1808) invented": new science"-"la science sociale," and disciples of Cabanis, like DESTUTT de Tracy (1824), and of ST. SIMON counterclaimed for the title. Then A. COMTE (1830-42), the last European inventor of "a new science," took the name sociology—partly in order to distinguish the constructive views of the 19th from the individualism of the 18th century. But this was also St. Simon's aim; nor has the aim been reached; thus to-day Ferri's nationalised industries, SCHÄFFLE and Siciliani's autonomous industrial groups, S. P. Andrew's and H. SPENCER'S laissez-faire, Fouillée's compromise, and Lilienfeld's (iv. 386) reconciliation of these opposing schools, are all claimed as offshoots of this same stock. Comte also rebelled against the watery, non-national, levelling doctrines of men like CONDORCET, and looked towards a federation of the leading races of the world; but St. Simon, KANT (1784), whom Comte had read, and Vico, had already found salvation in this idea. As Comte put forth three stages of progress as the first-fruits of his new science, so had BODIN (1580) and Vico; and Vico's first stage was theological, and his third scientific; Turgot characterised the second stage as one where men substituted abstract essences for causes (Say et Chaillet, Dict. de l'Économie Politique, s.v. "Sociologie"); and St. Simon named the second the critical or metaphysical, and, following a hint of Burdin (1797), the third the positive or reconstructive stage (Euvres Choisies, i. 198; ii. 20). The truth is that there was no new science, but only the old Greek science draped by the middle ages, and the discovery by modern writers of the nude beneath the drapery upset their minds. Vico stood between the medieval and modern world; after him the way parted in three directions.

(1) The first was towards a philosophy of history. Hegel's Philosophy of History (1825) is a sequel to his Philosophy of Right (1821). The latter criticises associations from the successive points of view of a Roman lawyer, a French economist, and a Greek philosopher. In the former he looks at history metaphysically as the externalisation of