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excuse for explaining at this length a device which claims to render the arithmetic of such bargains more simple and intelligible.

It is scarcely needful to say that the method is applicable to dealings in wheat, cotton, iron, etc., as well as to dealings in stocks and shares.

[The only writer who appears to have treated this subject in detail is the inventor of the method, M. Lefèvre, formerly private secretary to the late Baron James de Rothschild. To his work Le Commerce alone, therefore, we must refer for fuller treatment, the earlier work mentioned above being both less complete in its treatment and no longer obtainable.]

A. W. F.

POLICE before the 19th century meant the internal regulations by a government; or in a secondary sense, the instruments by which or the purpose for which such regulations were enforced. Thus in HUME (Ph. Works (1875), iii. 298, 299), and A. SMITH (W. of Ñ., ed. M'Culloch, pp. 314, 328), it means "regulation," ," "the administrative," or 66 order." But a school of practical thinkers, mainly German, beginning with v. Osse (Testament (1556), ch. xx. Von einer guten Policey), and ending with v. MOHL (Polizei- Wissenschaft (1832) (1865)), and of theoretical politicians, first French, then German-under whose influence Ordonnances pour la police (5th May 1399; 21st Apr. 1667, etc.), Reichs-Polizei-Ordnungen (1442, 1530, 1577, etc.), and "Landes-PolizeiÖrdnungen” (e.g. those of Frederick the Great) were issued-narrowed the meaning of the word on five sides. (1) in THOMASIUS' time (see Testament, ed. Thomasius (1717), n. 105), judicial procedure had long since been relegated to a sphere of its own. Thus the famous ordonnance of 1667 appointed a lieutenantgeneral of police for Paris, because the functions of police and justice hitherto combined were "often incompatible"; and Frederick the Great adopted a similar policy in order to secure judicial independence. Judicial procedure included legal capacity, the law of evidence, etc. (2) "Police" was confined to matters in which the public had an independent interest. Thus De la Mare's Preface (Traité de la Police (1705) and v. Bielfeld's Institutions Politiques (1760) write of "la police" as synonymous with "l'ordre public" or "le bon ordre de la société en général"; and Blackstone (1765) as "the due regulation and domestic order of the kingdom." And this distinction between public and private law was identified with a distinction between mutable and immutable law: "police laws vary according to place and time: laws of justice must be uniform, constant, and immutable" (Von Berg, Handbuch des teutschen PolizeiRechts (1799), i. 132; Hooker, Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity (1594), I. x. 7, 10). (3) Hooker defined "polity"-which is the same word as police-thus: "it containeth government' (constitutional law), "and also whatever besides

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belongeth to the ordering of" the state "in public" (III. ii. 2); (he wrote "church because of the adjective in the title of his book). Now these continental writers were absolutists, therefore they did not touch the larger constitutional problems which vexed English writers from LOCKE (1694) to Seeley (1896). And they treated constitutional details as administrative, so that when first principles were put into the melting-pot in 1788 men had forgotten that police once meant the law of the constitution. And furtheruntil MONTESQUIEU (1748) French writers, until SODEN (1812) German writers, and until 1850 Prussian statesmen, blended legislative and executive duties. Locke's protest against amphibious extemporary decrees and the Code Pénal, art. 127, were aimed at this school. Now that these functions are separated by a gulf, writers on police justify their habit of looking on the legislature as ancillary to the administration by writing "dictionaries of the administration" like M. Block (1854-92), or on "administrative law" like Gneist, (1857-84), v. Stein (1865-88), Meyer (1883-93), Loening (1884), and Huc de Grais (1881-97), or administrative codes as in Portugal (1878). (4) Dithmar, first professor of "economic police and cameralistic (financial) sciences" at Frankfurt on the Oder (1727), first separated these three sciences, but only partially. They were still regarded as concentric circles of which v. SECKENDORF'S patriot king was centre, and v. JUSTI (1761) still repeated but refined v. SCHRÖDER'S epigram "police sows but finance reaps," and protective duties were still praised as the meeting-point of the three. But revenue and wealth were after all distinguished, and economy, when contrasted with police, left some scope for freedom.

Adherents of the police-school-in these first four phases have passed upon slavery, the inquisition, censorship of the press, and Napoleonic espionage, the blessings of the scientific. Again moral, sumptuary, and usury laws, and the mediæval pricers and viewers and regulators of trade, have under its ægis survived their native gilds and towns. It has never known its limits. The Prussian code (1794) states one limit thus: the state only supplements self-help (ii. 17, 2). The French laws, under which the public prosecutor gets his newspapers gratis, or the mayor registers foreigners who have a business (1893), or the commissary of police attends and, in case of disorder, dissolves public meetings (1881), or some employees still need certificates of employment (1890), sound arbitrary to English ears, but represent the high-water mark of free thought and industry to the continental mind. Modern Germany, which has had a more continuous history than France, has supplemented the traditions of the police-school with the opposite principles of individualism and liberty. English economists in pursuing a reverse method-witness A. Smith and J. S. MILL's fifth books-arrive at

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a similar result. But the two schools have not yet quite met.

But it is to the police-school that we owe regis. trations of births, deaths, and marriages (OBRECHT, 1608), the census, the creation of PEASANT PROPRIETORS Out of the wrecks of FEUDALISM, Sabbatarianism, compulsory education (Prussian Code (1794), ii. 12, 43), and the idea of the duty of the state to counteract the mental superiority of employers by Employers' Liability Acts and other social legislation (Hoffman, 1841). Trade licenses also came to us through this channel, but are now mostly limited to dangerous trades (poisons, drugs, arms, etc.)—a limitation which suggests the fifth phase of the police-school.

(5) A further shrinkage of the term occurs in modern codes. (a) Thus the Prussian code of 1794 (ii. 17, § 10), looking at the function from the point of view of the functionary, directs the police "to take the necessary means to maintain public peace, safety, and order, and to ward off dangers to the public or any member thereof"; and the Code des délits (1795) takes a similar view. This definition is too wide, for, if pressed, it would include justice and education which have diminished crime, and Irish land laws which were meant to clip the wings of a "criminal conspiracy"; but it is only meant to include non-judicial measures exclusively meant to prevent dangers to life, health, morals, property, or the social organism. (b) The Code Penal, bk. iv., identifies "contraventions de police" with offences entailing penalties of five days' imprisonment or fifteen days' fine plus damages, if any; AnhaltDess (1855), Baden (1863), Bavaria, Würtemberg, and Hesse (1871), have published codes enumerating offences against police, but the best definition of police offences is that, unlike crimes, they have nothing to do with the wish or intention of the accused. This is the vital point on which the Italian (1890), following the German (1872) penal code, lays stress; those who attempt or help crimes are guilty, and those who do not intend crimes are guiltless; those who attempt or help offences are guiltless, those who do not intend offences are guilty. From (a) and (b) we get our two modern conceptions of police, as (a) out-ofcourt criminal procedure; (b) as an administrative and judicial sphere of action which prevents or punishes accidents caused by human carelessness or misfortune or pure misfortune. Both conceptions are unscientific, but meet in the policeman. And of policemen there are two main varieties (W. Roscher, "Geschichte der National Oekonomik in Deutschland," in the Munich Akademie der Wissenschaften, vol. xiv.-Conrad Loening, etc., Handwörterbuch zur Staatswissenschaften, s.v. "Polizei."-A. Smith, Lectures on Justice, Police, Revenue, and Arms, ed. E. Cannan, 1896).

The Policeman in England.-England started with the fifth meaning of police over 600 years ago. The idea did not emerge from metaphysical mist, so that discussions about the first four meanings are irrelevant here. And in England offences and minor crimes are confused under the name misdemeanour, so that the policeman naturally takes charge of

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all crimes; and popular imagination, which in defiance of history conceives of the magistrate as essentially a judge of crime, associates the man fined for cleaning his bicycle in the street with wife-beaters and the like, especially when the fine is enforced by a constable armed with a distress warrant. And in England we built from the ground upward, not as in France and Lagodo, from the roof downward.

(1) In the 13th century every citizen had to arm himself, and was liable for crimes in his neighbourhood; highways had to be kept clear of bushes, etc., and town-gates closed at night (13 Edw. I. st. 2). (2) Town-bailiffs, assisted at night by hired watchmen, high constables in HUNdreds, and petty constables in TOWNSHIPS, being "wardens

of the peace,' inspected and reported on these

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arrangements, and had powers of arrest which exceeded those of a citizen. The idea of the local warden of the peace takes us back to the VILLAGE COMMUNITY. (3) In 1327 the crown appointed special "wardens of the peace' in each county, who in 1362 became criminal judges under the title "Justices of the Peace," besides being "wardens of the peace." Gradually townbailiffs and constables of the hundred died out, and petty constables became subject to the J.P., executing and serving his warrants and summonses, whether issued by him qua warden or qua judge. The main duties of the J.P. were and are as warden. Thus to-day the J.P.s may, if some one swears, and they think there is danger, name special constables in any place in their jurisdiction (1 & 2 Will. IV. c. 41) or parish constables for a year (5 & 6 Vict. c. 109; 35 & 36 Vict. c. 92), and their nominees, unless specially exempted, must serve. They are heads of the potential, conscript constabulary. Further, they certify lunatics, "commit for trial" in serious cases, and like the inspector - constable in small misdemeanours, imprison or admit defendant to bail pending trial. In form "committal" is a trial, in substance a mere certificate that the accuser has a fair case. Again, until 1888 they were the rural local governing body, and by means of bye-laws, orders, and licenses, looked after highways, the slaughter of diseased animals, precautions against fire, etc.; they also imposed rates. Both in town and country they still hear rating assessment appeals, enforce payment of rates and orders for the removal of nuisances, etc., or, in most cases, payment therefor, these being all reckoned judicial duties; and their licenses to publicans and billiard room keepers are a last trace of "la police des mœurs.' Again they were once heads of what was called on the continent economic police. From 1562 until the 19th century they could fix wages, enquire into apprenticeships, and act as labour-masters in an age when England was looked on as a vast workhouse; and under laws of 1709 and 1758 priced bread and inspected bakers' weights and measures (5 Eliz. c. 4; 8 Anne c. 18; 31 Geo. II. c. 29, repealed 1867)-they still may inspect weights and measures-and punished offenders. In these matters constables are or were always their assistants, for J.P. and constable are growths from

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the same root, and once differed only in degree. (4) A professional police force grew up in towns, but their employers were no longer the J.P.s as such. (a) Under the Municipal Corporations Act, 1835, the elected mayor is J.P. for the town along with the ex-mayor and other nominees of the crown; but the mayor and elected town council cope with accidents arising from drains, buildings, fires, noxious trades, etc., by bye-laws, orders, and licenses, and a committee thereof, called the watch committee, usually control traffic by the same weapons, and always appoint a professional police force similar to that which was established in London. (b) London, outside the city, borrowed its first arrangements from Dublin. In Dublin, in 1723, unpaid constables elected by the parish looked after paid "supervisors of the watch and "watchmen." In 1765 paid "inspectors" were wedged in between supervisors and watchmen. In 1777 one alderman, called by the Frenchified title "president or guardian of the police," looked after this machinery. In 1786 paid "commissioners of police," who were also J.P.s for all Dublin, hired paid constables, watchmen, and other "ministerial officers of the peace"; at the same time paid divisional magistrates were appointed. In 1795 "superintendent magistrates" replaced the commissioners. This scheme passed to London in 1792, except that the divisional magistrates acted as superintendent magistrate in each division. H. FIELDING (q.v.) had called attention to the need of strengthening the hands of the justices half a century before.

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In 1829 all the paid "watchmen

and other ministerial officers of the peace" were made into constables,-superintendent, inspector, sergeant, and plain constables,-and the divisional forces were combined into one "metropolitan police force," and were governed at first by two paid non-judicial magistrates, but since 1856 by a paid commissioner and two paid assistant commissioners of police, who are non-judicial magistrates; these non-judicial magistrates may not attend quarter or general sessions, nor may they try, nor have they committed prisoners. They are appointed by the crown, and are under the home office. This system returned to Dublin in 1836, where it still exists. (c) A modification of these systems was introduced into counties in 1839 permissively, and in 1856 compulsorily. Until 1888 J.P.s in quartersessions appointed, with the approval of the home office, a paid chief constable, and determined the numbers of his force; and he, subject to the J.P.s, engaged its personnel. Now a committee of J.P.s and of the elected county council has succeeded quarter-sessions. (d) A similar system has been instituted in Scotch boroughs (1833) and counties (1857). (5) J.P.s and watch committees, and in the metropolis the commissioners, report annually to the home office, which sends round inspectors; only half of the pay of the police force, except in the city of London, comes from local sources, and of that half such part as comes from agricultural land is, since 1896, exempted to the extent of one-half by imperial contributions. No power is exercised by any central authority over local police authorities, nor is there any general" police like the French gendarmes

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except in Ireland, outside Dublin, and most of the colonies. True, under the Police Act, 1890, § 25, different police forces may help one another if their heads agree to do so; and warrants, if 'backed," bind the police in the district of the J.P. who backs them, and the lord chancellor and judges of the queen's bench division are wardens of the peace and issue warrants for all England and Wales. The police forces, though not centralised, are uniform and allied and act together.

To sum up the duties of citizen, constable, and J.P. have for six centuries shaded off into one another, and only gradually settled down into distinct organic shapes; the last stage in the process was when watchmen plus amateur constables were converted into paid watchmen. constables during the 18th century. The central link was always and is still fragile.

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The powers and duties of the professional police force are all derived from their being constables, i.e. wardens of the peace, but are enlarged by statute law. They now include (1) inspection in public places. Domiciliary visits are made with the aid of a J.P.'s search warrant in case of stolen goods, sheltered criminals, etc., or by the police constable qua inspector under some statute. Thus he inspects public-houses, billiard-rooms, and threshing machines, andside by side with medical officers, inspectors of nuisances, weights and measures, and marketsinspects and samples food and drugs exposed for sale; and may be ordered by the local government board to do sanitary work which sanitary inspectors leave undone. In the case of explosives there are central and local inspectors, the former appointed by the home office and the latter, a "superior officer of police.' Obstruction to inspectors or constables doing their duty is a misdemeanour. (2) In examining the police constable is at a disadvantage, as he is instructed to caution before arresting his victim. Purely inquisitory legal proceedings are rare; of those that do exist, public inquests by coroners, or by a J.P. in pursuance of the extraordinary Explosives Act 1883, areprivate examinations by factory inspectors, public enquiries by board of trade or home office into accidents are not, assisted by police constables. (3) As for arrest, the citizen can only arrest suspected felons if a felony has been committed, and red-handed misdemeanants if dangerous, and must arrest only if a constable requests him (Law Reports, i. C. C. R. 20). In addition to this, pawnbrokers, railway-guards, workhouse-masters, landowners and their keepers have certain powers in certain cases. In all these cases and some others the constable has a duty and there is no "if." An equal duty to inform against or arrest lunatics at large is cast on overseers, relieving officers, and constables by the Lunacy Act, 1890. In 1895 the constable arrested eight out of nine bad, i. e. indictable criminals, on his own responsibility.

The inspector constable also admits trivial misdemeanants to bail before summary hearing. (4) "As to accusation-unless there is a special inspector charged with the duty, the lead of the local police usually prosecutes offences in public places which come under his notice.

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accuser and witness he has in theory no advantage. Local heads of police also report crimes and offences to the treasury solicitor who is directed by the attorney-general to prosecute capital cases, governmental cases, our police politique" cases reported to him by judges, etc.-amounting in all to about 1 per cent of the bad, i.e. indictable crimes in 1895. There is nothing in England like the Scotch procurator-fiscal or Irish attorneygeneral, who cover the whole or nearly the whole field of crime. (5) Provision against or in case of accidents is made by county and town councils, by their fire brigades and by so many other public local bodies, that the lost and found property office at Scotland Yard, the stretcher and necessary addresses in each station, the help to the man suddenly taken ill or strayed child, are slender reminiscences of a time when police was the sole weapon with which society fought accidents. (6) Orders, etc.-"Chief officers of police" license pedlars, hawkers, and sweeps; and in the London metropolis the chief commissioner licenses cab and omnibus drivers; and orders certain traffic or all through traffic out of certain streets at certain times. Otherwise bye-laws, orders, and licenses, with one or two exceptions reserved to the J.P., have drifted away to elective bodies. (7) In civil process police constables execute the distress warrant by which the J.P. enforces payment of rates, fines, and compensation. Indeed the constable and J.P. are for practical purposes co-extensive; consequently recent statutes which give to the J. P. certain landlord and tenant disputes where the tenant's rent is under £20 per annum, and the settlement of wage disputes of London bargemen, have made the police constable intrude into an arena for which he is unfit. (8) Arms and discipline. -Unlike the foreign gendarmes and Royal Irish Constabulary (outside Dublin) the English police force is non-military, does not live in barracks, and is usually unarmed except with a hidden truncheon. A month's notice of resignation is required under a penalty of £5 plus arrears; neglect of duty is punishable by a £10 fine or a month's hard labour. In Ireland a £5 fine is inflicted for the latter, a £10 fine or three months' hard labour for the former offence. Both in Ireland and England J.P.si.e. the masters--impose the penalty on the men, but after judicial process.

[For history and theory see P. Colquhoun, Treatise on the Police of the Metropolis, 1796.J. Toulmin Smith, The Parish, 1857.-R. Gneist, History of the English Constitution, translated by P. A. Ashworth, 1891.-F. W. Maitland, Justice and Police, 1885.-Shaw, Municipal Government in Great Britain, 1895. For present law and facts see Haycraft, Powers of the Police, 1897.— C. M. Atkinson, Magistrates' Annual Practice 1897.-Parliamentary Reports, Annual Judicial

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with or without the help of the council of state; but licensing of plays is assigned to the minister of education; inspection of weights, measures, and insanitary food to the minister of commerce; highways and public vehicles to the minister of public works, etc. Each minister acts as agent of the president of the republic. Outside Paris, the president nominates prefects of departments, who, with or without the help of the selected conseilgénéral of the department-issue to the public bye-laws, arrêtés réglementaires, or orders and licenses, arrêtés individuels, as to slaughter of diseased animals, precautions against fire, etc., subject to the veto of the minister concerned. Comnissaries of Police," nominated by the prefect in towns of less than 6000 inhabitants, otherwise by the president, have jurisdiction over the town or commune to which, or to part of which, they are attached. There must be one for a town of 5000 to 10,000; and one more for each additional 10,000 inhabitants. They act under the prefect in "general" and under the mayor in "municipal" police; and can command the services of the watchmen and keepers, but can only "request officers of gendarmerie to help them. Mayors are unpaid, and elected by and from the elected town or communal council. In general police they are agents of the prefect, but are heads of "municipal" police, streets, public health, repairs, etc. They issue to the public bye-laws and orders subject to the prefect's veto; but in local finance, public works, and property, are subject to "the controul but never to "the authority" of the town or cominunal council. They appoint "keepers," gardes champêtres et forestiers, who patrol and look after parks, forests, harvests, etc., and are under "; surveillance" of the gendarmerie; and if urban, they appoint watchmen, agents de police, whose organisation is settled in large capital towns by the president, and being borrowed from England, always follows the English patterns of 18291835 thus their officers are superintendents (chefs), inspectors, and brigadiers, and they patrol the streets unarmed, and besides keeping the peace, relieve in cases of things lost or found, accidents, ignorance of the way, etc. Fire brigades are organised by communes and towns, under orders from the prefect, the superior officers being nominated by the president, and the members being soldiers under military law but subject as to their duties to the home office. The gendarmerie is the old feudal, then monarchic force; now it is, like the fire brigade, a military force told off to public duties anywhere, under the civil ministries; unlike the Prussian gendarmerie, it is also under the war office; it patrols town and country, but looks especially after the country, and acts under its officers, whose prefect or commissary "requests" the officers to act.

In the above sketch sub-prefects of arrondissements, and their elected councils, often thrust in between mayor and prefect, deputy mayors and different kinds of commissaries, are omitted. Again, the president usually acts on the advice of the home office. Again, the elected councils, originally financial and consultative, have only since 1884 advanced to the stage of "controuling (they can never dictate to) the official in certain

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cases. Again, before 1884, the mayor was a nominee of the president in important towns, and could not nominate his keepers and watchmen. Further, Paris is differently constituted. In Paris, two co-ordinate functionaries, the prefect of police and of the Seine, perform the duties usually associated with general and municipal police respectively; the gendarmes are called the garde républicaine; there are 75 commissaries attached to 80 quarters; there are 80 police stations in each quarter, under an officier de paix, who can command three brigades of watchmen (called "wardens of the peace," gardiens de la paix); and there are other commissaries and brigades told off to special duties; the superintendent of the watchmen is appointed by the prefect of police, and the officiers de paix by the home office (Règlement général, 30, 4, 1887). Lastly, inspectors of factories, whose functions since 1893 are enlarged, and of weights and measures, surveyors of bridges, and the like, who are directly under the central administration, are classed as special police subordinates.'

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To sum up: administrative police occupies the entire ground of local government, less finance and education. It is a bureaucratic hierarchy in which executive virtue descends drop by drop from the president down to the humblest gamekeeper; and the inferior showers back incessant reports on his immediate superiors. But there are two qualifications. The mayor is now in reality as well as in name an independent centre, whence the powers of municipal police radiate. Representative councils have begun to encroach upon personal power, and in spite of their centralisation there are always two rows of police subordinates-civil and militaryand the urban and rural civil police subordinates differ in origin and essentials.

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(2) The judicial police include the procureurgénéral, procureurs de la République, juges d'instruction and juges de paix, in addition to the administrative police. Their duties are as follows: -(a) Force- Every policeman must take criminal caught red-handed, etc.-the etc. is important-before the public prosecutor; but so must every one if requested (Co. Pén. 475, 12°). In other cases a police officer, i.e. procureur, juge, préfet, who never acts except sometimes in Paris, commissary, mayor, or officer of gendarmes, issues, and serves, and enforces by a common policeman, or usher of the court, summonses and warrants. It is a minor crime to obstruct a policeman or any one when doing their duty (ib. 222-24); (b) Investigation-On receipt of a written information by any one, whether aggrieved or not, the policeman questions the suspect, and examines witnesses in private. But only the police officer can invade houses; (c) Proof-Watchmen may investigate but cannot "prove." Again, subofficers of gendarmes, keepers, "special policemen,' and revenue officers, may prove certain offences and minor crimes. Again, officers other than the procureurs," or "juges d'instruction" prove "offences," and, where the criminal is caught red-handed, etc., crimes; otherwise the procureurs, or juges d'instruction act or appoint deputies to act for them. His 66 'proof" is signed by the officer, though he need not write it, and has at

least the effects of a rule nisi. It is a summary of evidence as well as evidence. In this stage (c) the policeman has passed from administratorthrough two chrysalis stages (a) and (b)—into a full-fledged member of the judicial police; (d) Trial, as a rule takes place before the juge de paix, or mayor, sitting as "juge de police,' in the case of offences, proof and trial often take place at the same sitting, before the juge d'instruction in the case of minor crimes, before the assize courts in the case of major crimes. Although the "juge" thus suffers a further metamorphosis from public prosecutor into judge, these two functions must be represented by different persons in any one cause. (e) Some questions, e.g. financial assessments and some offences, e.g. public nuisances which require an order for removal, or for payment for removal, never come before any court, but the administration makes and vindicates the law. (f) Civil process is as a rule kept distinct, but keepers are made bailiffs of fruit, etc.

The police subordinates are quick change artists-inspectors and detectives, servants of home office and the court, accusers, judges, soldiers-anything and everything by turns on a small scale. [F. Brayer, Dictionnaire Général de la police administrative et judiciaire.-M. Block, Dictionnaire Général de l'Administration Française.-G. Meyer, Lehrbuch des VerwaltungsRechts, 1893.-A. Shaw, Municipal Government in Continental Europe, 1895.-H. de Grais, Handbuch der Verfassung und Verwaltung, 1897.]

POLITICAL ARITHMETIC. METIC, POLITICAL.

J. D. R. See ARITH

POLITICAL ECONOMY.

Political Economy and Science-I. Scope, p. 128. II. Method, p. 133. III. Ethics, p. 137. IV. Political Economy, Applications of Logical Conceptions to, p. 139. V. Political Economy and Psychology, p. 140. VI. Political Economy, Recent Developments of, p. 143. VII. Political Economy, Postulates of, p. 148. VIII. Political Economy, Authorities on, p. 149. It is not intended in this article to give a summary of the descriptions and theories that are now commonly found in treatises on political economy; since such a summary, considering the extent and variety of the questions which the subject is generally held to include, and the fulness of treatment which has now become customary, could hardly be more than a dry and uninstructive table of contents. What is proposed here is rather a brief discussion of the scope and method of the study, sufficient to indicate clearly the points at which controversies arise; and, without deciding dogmatically any questions of importance on which competent thinkers are still disagreed, to contribute, if possible, to the exclusion of disputes arising from mere misunderstanding, narrowness of view, or confusion of thought.

I. SCOPE. The first thing is to define the subject of inquiry. This task is rendered a little difficult by the important changes that have taken place in the meaning of the

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