rather than expose his crown to apparent forfeiture, in a most noble letter, written from the Tower. It is very strange that after this, when howling mobs had surrounded the palace for three days; when the queen, believing her life at stake, knelt ceaselessly before her royal husband; when a revolution seemed imminent; when Strafford demanded martyrdom ;-men should be so very forward to twit this holy king with treachery and "betrayal," however he might be disposed to regard his own conduct. In afteryears, he believed he should have risked all then; should have either rushed upon a civil war, or, if needful, have sacrificed his own life and those of his wife and children, rather than allow the axe to descend on Strafford's head: not that Strafford was altogether guiltless, for he had repeatedly exceeded his powers, and thereby exposed his king to needless odium, but inasmuch as he had proved, on the whole, a good and faithful servant.

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"The passionate and irresistible eloquence of the Reformers," as Mr. Warburton calls it, proceeded to murder Archbishop Laud, and incarcerate every body they could lay their hands upon who differed in opinion from themselves on any point whatsoever. After this, it might indeed seem strange, that even a Varney should doubt the justice of the royal cause: but the truth is, that such a flood of seditious invectives had been poured forth for the last six years, that all weaker minds and souls were hurried along by these troublous waters. Such is the certain ultimate result of fierce and noisy agitation for whatever goal, which is not met at once and coped with in the fitting arena with equal spirit and resolution! Let living Churchmen take warning by this lesson, and, when they see the "moderates" of King Charles's day approving at last of these heights of Puritanic folly and tyranny, let them know, that they are too likely to follow their example, soon or late, if they now listen in silence to the calumnies of a Bright and a Cobden. (We do not see why we should not call things by their right names.) Let the friends of the Church of Ireland, above all, take warning. No tone of apology will serve their turn. Let the insolent invectives of a Roebuck be met, not with faint excuses and faltering appeals to gratitude, but with severe reprimands and true-hearted defiance! And here let us record, that we have reason to be thankful to the honourable member for the University of Dublin, Mr. Napier. He at least speaks the truth, and speaks it after an honourable and manly fashion and, whatever may be the craft of the almost invariably Roman Catholic reporters for the Daily Papers, who generally substitute "Catholic" for "Romish, and "Protestant for "Anglican" or "Churchman," in all church speeches whatsoever, such manly oratory as Mr. Napier's must

make its due impression on the House, and in time upon the public also. We might say as much of Mr. Augustus Stafford; but of late he has been silent on Church subjects, we know not wherefore. We remember an admirable speech of his in defence of the Church of Ireland, delivered some three years ago, which inspired us with the highest hopes. Other friends, too, we have on whom we can count; but once more we repeat it, Let us have no "candid" advocacy, no fighting on the retreat! If members cannot speak like men, let them not speak at all!

But to resume. Mr. Warburton bestows the highest praises on Lord Falkland, the very model of modern "Conservatives," halting for ever "betwixt two opinions," with a natural aversion to sound Church principles, which he confounded with Popery; and a strong tendency, common to most mere well-meaning men, to swim with the current of popular opinion, in whatever direction it might chance to set. Nevertheless, he was, we believe, "a gentleman sans peur et sans reproche:" and his death made some amends for his early weakness. Peace to his ashes! May our young scions of noble or of gentle blood take heed that they pursue not a similar career! Hyde is also highly praised by Mr. Warburton, not without justice: and thus his third chapter conIcludes with an animated final strain. The fourth treats of the preliminaries of the war. Here we have a picturesque description of London in the reign of King Charles, which might probably both amuse and edify our readers; but we cannot find space for so lengthy an extract. There is much of the former "blowing hot and cold" in pages 272-3. Mr. Warburton cannot avoid convicting Pym, Hampden, and their confrères of cant and tyranny, but he proffers excuses for them, and intimates that King Charles, and most of his ministers, and many of his bishops, had acted "very wickedly;" a sweeping accusation, which is unsupported by the smallest tittle of evidence, and in fact looks like "a sop thrown to Cerberus," a verbal concession to the gentlemen reviewers of "the Athenæum" and "the Examiner," lest those critics should grow uproarious. We earnestly advise the expunging of this and similar phrases from the next edition. They are irreconcilable with other direct assertions made by Mr. Warburton himself. With regard to the "engagement" entered into by the peers and others at York, Mr. Warburton has forgotten to record, that all these Cavaliers, with characteristic moral cowardice, refused to allow the said engagement to be made public, and thereby virtually destroyed the effect of their own deed. Such was, then, the reign of Liberal cant and Conservative pusillanimity. Have we not too much reason to suspect that a similar occasion would to-morrow lead to similar results?

At last, we arrive at the war, and here fiery Rupert begins to shine. He becomes the idol of the young Cavaliers, though the old regard his daring with some apprehension. His first encounter with the Roundheads upon the Pershore road is described with much spirit, the biographer evidently sympathizing with his hero. We have various amusing anecdotes concerning Rupert's sayings and doings, in this part of the first volume, which assist us in obtaining a clearer view of his real character. These are followed by an interesting description of the Cavalier camp, and a noble extract from the royal chaplain's sermon. The Puritans, too, receive their due in various respects, and are shown to have been by no means so pure and holy as their own boastings might lead the credulous to imagine. In the second volume we now arrive at the first great battle, that of Edgehill, painted with no little animation. As we purpose to extract another battle-scene, we shall leave this behind us, contented with our general encomium. Of course, our author does not forget his hero, whose gallant achievements always seem to awaken his enthusiasm. The marches and countermarches ensuing are all narrated with great spirit, and form an attractive picture, though what may now seem sport to us was death to many honest Englishmen; not that our author's tone is ever flippant, save in one or two short passages anent the king. He writes too much like a gentleman and a Cavalier. "The queen arrives-the war grows hot," is the heading of the next chapter, which contains much interesting matter, especially vindicating the honour and even the gentleness of Prince Rupert, calumniated by Puritan rancour; this task is very satisfactorily performed.

Hampden's death is treated of at length; and a wholly undeserved eulogium is bestowed upon this wicked man, of whom we have some reason, however, to hope that he had made his peace with his Maker before he died, and repented his long course of rancorous treason and detestable hypocrisy. Clarendon knew this individual well: he even acted in concert with him for some years. Why then should he have denounced him as he has done, entering into all the particulars of his odious dissimulation, without just cause? We do not find him speak thus severely of Pym even, nor of Cromwell-in, fact, he was any thing but a violent party-man, and could always see virtues in an enemy. We put it therefore to Mr. Warburton's conscience, whether he can be justified in passing over such damning evidence, with the subsequent judicial condemnation of a Southey, without one word, and treat this rebel, stricken by the hand of his God, and receiving even in this world the meed of his pernicious labours, as little less than a saint or an angel. Look at this man's career from first

to last! What is there in it to excite sympathy or admiration? At first we find him a common-place libertine "about town; subsequently he adopts Puritan views, and subsides, as is not uncommon in such cases, into extreme and almost ascetic coldness and severity. Then he makes himself conspicuous by nobly closing up his pockets and refusing to pay ship-money. This, we suspect, is the real cause for which Britons' hearts so warm towards him. They are always disposed to sympathize with any one who runs a crusade against the king's taxes. At last he enters parliament, pretends to be the most moderate of men, coaxes poor weak Falkland into voting against the bishops, secretly provokes all the most desperate Puritan counsels, finally becomes a party to measures, now condemned on all sides-measures denounced by Mr. Warburton himself, as pregnant with cant and wicked tyranny. Nay, not only was he a party to all this; but he was the prime mover, the main agent. His, and not Pym's, seems to have been the master-mind; at all events he must share the main responsibility with that worthy. And now, after all this;-after the murder of Laud and Strafford; the incarceration of the bishops,-the imprisonment of all true loyalists these rebels could lay their hands upon; the adoption of a now universally execrated policy, which the Whig Hallam can scarcely find words to reprove and condemn, which even Macaulay appears to abandon ;-we are told that this man left none behind him of equal genius, integrity, and influence. Where is the

shadow of excuse for such a laudation? What one noble and generous act is recorded of this man? Of course the criticlings of such organs as the "Athenæum " would sneer at all this as sad bigotry; but facts are stubborn things, and must surely make their way. If there is an instance on record of the display of any generous feeling by this cold-hearted, ambitious Puritan, we entreat that it may be bestowed on us in any future edition of Mr. Warburton's work-something, however small, to set against the flood of overwhelming condemnatory evidence. We know that a certain prejudice exists in very many minds as to Mr. Hampden's apocryphal virtues; we hear of them almost in our cradles, and may be unwilling to resign "the fond delusion.' But it is vain to struggle against facts. We cannot receive this man into our National Gallery of Worthies, as the champion of freedom; he is her deadliest foe who, in her name, sets loose the dogs of civil war to desolate his native land, and that without the shadow of occasion. Clarendon's final summary of his character in the words of the Roman historian, however strong, seems only too correct: "He had a head to contrive, and a tongue to persuade, and a hand to execute any mischief!"

VOL. XII.-NO. XXIII.—SEPT. 1849.

C

The siege of Bristol, the first battle of Newbury, and the death of Pym are the principal events recorded in the next chapter. Rupert's daring is, as usual, conspicuous. Mr. Warburton's description of this first battle of Newbury is scarcely as spirited as his usual battle-scenes; but no doubt the subject might be less inspiring. Clarendon's commendations of his amiable friend Falkland, who fell here, are cited con amore. Pym is dismissed without any very glowing eulogium. It seems that he lost his popularity after Hampden's death, (a strong indication that Hampden was the master mover, as we have long thought,) and so enjoyed the felicity of hearing London mobs howl for his head, as they had done before, at his instigation, for those of Laud and Strafford. At last, we arrive at the battle of Marston Moor, so disastrous to the royal cause, in which our biographer's hero was the Cavalier commander. It is admirably narrated; so well indeed, that we cannot refrain from making a very long quotation here, which will, we think, greatly interest our readers. We omit the military details of preparation for the field, though these are well given, reminding our readers only that this battle was fought on a widely extended heath in Yorkshire, and that Cromwell, with his Ironsides, was among the Roundhead host.

"For some hours the armies stood gazing on each other nearly 50,000 kindred men, instigated by the strongest passion of hostility that ever animated the hearts of fair and open combatants. The evening set in with ominous gloom: the Puritans, who had wrought themselves up to a belief that Heaven was in strict league with their generals, were persuaded that the impending darkness was God's visible frown upon their enemies; they hailed the storm with grim joy-especially that dark and terrible mass of iron-clad men on the far left, who watched for Cromwell's battle-word. The storm grew darker, and the Roundhead annalist relates that, 'just as both armies were joining battle, and beginning the first encounter or assault of each other, it pleased the Lord, as it was most credibly affirmed for a certain truth, that a sudden and mighty great storm of rain and hail, and terrible claps of thunder were heard and seen from the clouds, as if Heaven had resolved to second the assault with a fierce alarm from above.' A loud hymn of triumph and denunciation rose among the Roundheads' ranks, and Rupert ordered prayers to be read at the same time to each regiment along his line. This striking fact is thus affirmed by his bitter and scornful enemy: Rupert, that bloody plunderer, would forsooth, to seem religious, just like a juggling Machiavellian, have a sermon preached before him and his army. His chaplain took his text out of Joshua xxii. 22. The words were these:-'The Lord God of gods, the Lord God of gods, he knoweth, and Israel shall know; if it be in rebellion, or if in transgression against the Lord, save us not this day.' I know not how Goring and his brother-reprobates conducted themselves in this solemn