the peace, state superintendent of public instruction, university regents and school officials; in North Dakota, county officers, judges of the supreme and district courts, state and county school superintendents. REGISTRATION In practically all states which require registration for general elections, voters are also required to register for the primary. In California, any voter in registering may declare or decline to declare his party affiliation. If he declares his party affiliation he may vote both a party and a non-partisan ticket at the primary; if he declines to declare his party affiliation, he may vote only a non-partisan ticket. In Florida, the voter's party affiliation is entered on the registration books, which are preserved for use at the next ensuing primary, and no voter can change his party affiliation except by filing an application in writing 60 days before the primary. In Maryland, any voter who declines to state his party affiliation cannot vote at the primary; a voter cannot change his party affiliation except by giving notice 6 months before election. In Massachusetts, the registration roll showing the party affiliation of the voters is kept for 3 years and no voter can change his party affiliation except on written application and the change takes place 30 days after the application is made. In Minnesota and Nebraska, the day of the primary is the first registration day. SAMPLE BALLOTS In California, a sample ballot, containing all names in the same order as they will appear on the official ballot must be mailed to each voter at least 5 days before the primary. PRE-PRIMARY CONVENTIONS There are two states, Colorado and Minnesota, which hold pre-primary or endorsement conventions. In Colorado, these conventions are composed of delegates selected in any manner provided by rules of the party. The convention takes only one vote on each candidate and every candidate receiving 10 per cent or more of the vote of the convention must have his name printed on the primary ballot. The names of the convention candidates are placed on the ballot in order of the number of delegate votes each received in the convention, the one receiving the largest number of votes being placed first. Candidates may also enter the primary by filing a petition, but petition candidates have their names entered on the primary ballot after the names of the convention candidates. In Minnesota, a delegate election is held on the second Tuesday of March of even-numbered years to elect delegates to a county convention. Each election district is entitled to one delegate and such additional delegates as it is entitled to on the basis of the voting strength. At least 15 days before the convention, persons who desire to be candidates for delegate file a declaration. Within 10 days after the delegate election, a county convention is held to elect delegates to a state convention and to a congressional district convention. The congressional district convention endorses district officers. The state convention consists of 3 delegates at large from each county and such additional delegates as the voting strength of the county may entitle it to. The state convention endorses candidates for state office, United States senator, presidential electors and delegates at large to the national convention. The fact that a candidate is endorsed is printed on the ticket. The State Central Committee consists of 2 members from each congressional district elected at the state convention by the delegates representing such district; each candidate en POLITICAL PAMPHLETS Several states provide for the publication of pamphlets designed to afford information to the voter as to the character and political opinions of the several candidates. Provision is made for the distribution of these pamphlets so that every voter may obtain a copy. A fee is charged to each candidate to defray the cost of publication and tain the portraits of the candidates; a statement about the candidacy of any candidate or of his opponent. RUN-OFF PRIMARIES In addition to the precinct, county, congressional district and state committees, which are the usual and prevailing committees in the party organization, other local committees are either created by law or the creation of such committees is authorized. In Colorado, there may be ward and sub-distribution. These pamphlets condivision committees and if such are formed, they consist of the precinct committeemen and women resident therein. There are also judicial, senatorial and representative district committees which consist of the chairmen and vice-chairmen of the several counties composing such districts, together with the candidates for office resident therein. In Florida, in addition to the statutory committees, party authorities may create any number of committees they desire. In Kansas, there are judicial, senatorial and representative district committees, composed of each county chairman of the district and one additional member chosen by the county committees for each 1,000 votes in excess of 1,500. In Louisiana, there are ward, town, plantation and representative class committees; in Michigan, judicial and representative district committees; in Mississippi, judicial In several of the southern states, the laws provide for run-off primaries in which only the two candidates having the highest votes participate. There may be one or more of these run-off primaries, depending on the event of the vote therein. Run-off primaries are held in Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina, Tennessee and Texas. COUNTY UNIT VOTE In Georgia, candidates for United States senator, governor, state officers, judges of Supreme Court and Court of Appeals who receive the highest popular vote in any county, are considered to have carried the county and are entitled to the full vote of the county on the county unit basis, which is two votes for each representative the county is entitled to, in the lower house of the legislature. Tying candidates divide the county unit vote. County unit votes are consolidated by the chairman and secretary of the state central committee of the party holding the primary and published, and the candidates who receive a majority of the county unit votes are declared to be the nominees by the state convention. If two candidates tie on county unit votes, the one receiving the highest popular vote is declared nominated. If no candidate for United States senator or governor receives a majority, a second primary is held in which the two high candidates only compete. CUMULATIVE VOTING In Illinois, any voter may cast three votes for any candidate for the lower house of the state legislature, or distribute them among either 2 or 3 candidates. D Removable Obstacles to the Success of the Direct Primary By H. W. DODDS URING the past two years the direct primary has again survived an assault none the less threatening because the deed was planned and was being executed in secret. Some reformers and practically all politicians were dissatisfied with it, and the reaction following the war seemed opportunity to revert to the convention system. an So it came about that beginning in 1919, but more particularly in 1920 and 1921, a number of primary repeal bills were introduced in state legislatures. These were unsuccessful with the exception of New York, which returned to the convention system for the nomination of all officials elected on a statewide ticket. Again in 1922 definite plans were under way to re-introduce the convention in a number of states when the legislatures meet in 1923.1 It is yet too early to know whether such plans will be carried out. The conspicuous success of insurgent candidates in the primaries of Iowa, Indiana and Pennsylvania, plus the results of the November elections, indicates that this winter will not be the opportune time to start a successful raid. The League of Women Voters can always be relied upon to defend the direct primary with energy. They reason, and not without justification, that a device opposed by so many professional politicians may not be without profit 1 For a comprehensive statement of the movement to repeal or modify direct primary legislation see article by Prof. R. S. Boots, The Trend of the Direct Primary, American Political Science Review, August, 1922. to the people, and are not distracted by phrases about greater party responsibility through the convention system. SOME OLD FRIENDS NOW CYNICAL And yet, many early advocates of the direct primary are frankly cynical now. Obviously it has not lived up to eхресtations. Inferior candidates are still nominated. The "high-minded" element in the party is still flouted with seeming impunity. The new type of candidate so ardently awaited has not arisen. Has nothing been accomplished? A sense of failure, we submit, is unwarranted although a natural consequence of too great expectations. It arises first from a lack of realization of the necessity and function of the "organization," which Mr. Hughes has consistently emphasized in an appeal for a more general participation in party affairs and the enforcement of tighter responsibility upon party lead ers. But vastly more important has been the neglect of public opinion to comprehend that the condition to be treated did not arise from the party convention and its abuses. Instead of viewing the convention as a cause, how much wiser it would have been to have looked upon it as an X-ray photograph of a complex political system. The direct primary has been disappointing because it was designed to counteract a symptom, a manifestation. In a sense, therefore, the agitation over the primary has been harmful because it has diverted the public mind from more fundamental reforms. Thus the available supply of nervous energy has been consumed in superficialities. Fortunately, displeasure with the primary is beginning to energize a more scientific attack upon the boss. HOW THE LONG BALLOT AFFECTS THE DIRECT PRIMARY There remain today at least three outstanding reforms necessary of accomplishment before any system of nominations will be satisfactory. In the order of their importance they are the short ballot, the merit system in public employment, and the reorganization of county government. These indispensable reforms are not separate and distinct. They react upon each other and their mutual purpose is the abolition of government for entrenched, selfish politics by entrenched, selfish politicians. Now that the short ballot doctrine has become so generally understood and accepted, it is almost incredible that it should have had so little attention from the fathers of the direct primary. Given a system of elections theoretically and practically wrong, what can seriously be expected from any system of nominations? For at least twenty years students of election methods have been telling us that we have too many elections and too many officials to elect. Any campaign, primary or election, is a failure from the standpoint of popular participation unless it is vigorous. A vigorous campaign is the people's safety. Yet during 1922 Chicago voters were summoned to the polls five times. They were compelled to register twice. Exclusive of the primary they were compelled to pass judgment on candidates for about fifty different offices. In the St. Louis primary last summer, candidates were nominated for thirty three offices. The Republican ballot bore 103 names and the Democratic 54. Primaries elsewhere are frequently as bad or worse. Naturally, but a few are conducted with sufficient vigor to arouse a real popular opinion regarding the candidates. When official opinion, pro and con, with respect to the direct primary is for the most part so shallow, it is refreshing to discover two state governors defending it by daring to inquire why it has not fulfilled early hopes. In 1921 Governor Dixon of Montana told his legislature that The most plausible argument advanced against the present primary law is that the voters cannot know the personal qualifications of the long list of candidates for the various minor offices. Of course they do not, but they do have an opinion regarding the merits of the principal candidates. The same year in his message to the legislature, Governor Cox of Massachusetts noted the vocal sentiment against the primary and said So many candidates seek the many offices to be filled at a state-wide primary, that it is extremely difficult for even the careful voter to learn of the relative merits of the various candidates. The chief objection to the present system of direct nomination in Massachusetts would in my judgment be removed by the adoption of the short ballot. The adoption of the short ballot of course implies administrative consolidation and reorganization. Fewer officers elected, more appointed. As a consequence of short ballot propaganda, public attention, focused on the appointing power, is being taught to demand a higher type of appointee. Thus we are gaining a new concept of administrative fitness and function. It involves a wider application of the merit system. |