and impressive things to which every American is heir, and which the Government of the United States is safeguarding for the people in perpetuity and making available to the many by the construction of roads, camps and hotels.

Beginning with this issue, our cartoonist, Mr. Brinkerhoff, will give from time to time an artist's impressions of this splendid heritage of the American people-a heritage without a parallel in the world.— Aug. 21, 1916.

WANTED: A SPIRIT OF

NATIONALISM

England has been made great by the unity of her statesmen, her bankers, her manufacturers and her people in a national purpose. Without large agricultural or mineral resources, she would have filled a minor role in the world's development and in world affairs had not necessity and ambition led her to reach out beyond the seas for trade. Throughout the centuries she has appreciated that commerce was the blood of life to her; that without it her industries would shrivel. broaden her lines she has gone to the ends of the earth. Every market opened for British goods meant more work for British labor, more investment for British capital, more bills of exchange for British bankers, more cargo for British ships, more power and prosperity for the British.

To

Great Britain did this despite manifold handicaps. It brought from all quarters of the globe the raw material out of which British manufacturers fashioned articles to be sold not only in nearby markets

It

but to the people from whom the raw material was purchased. bought cotton in America, transported it thousands of miles across the seas, translated it into calico in Lancashire mills and sold the goods the world over, even to the people who grew the cotton. It bought wool in Australia and transported it half way 'round the globe, wove the wool into cloth and sent the finished goods half way 'round the globe to clothe the Australians. It bought iron ore from Sweden, France, Canada, the United States; tin from the Strait Settlements and Peru; copper from America, Turkey and other distant lands; rubber from Brazil and the Congo, carried them in British bottoms across the seas, made them into articles of worth and utility and sold the bulk of the manufactures outside the British isles.

In all this the British banker has stood behind the British manufacturer and the British ship owner, and the British government has stood back of all three. There has been system, organization in it all and a definite policy which has been adhered to unswervingly.

America is a Colossus. To-day this country commands one-third of the wealth of the world. No other nation has such agricultural and mineral resources and no nation worthy of the name, barring Russia, has 100,000,000 population. No other nation has greater natural advantages for industrial expansion, more of the stores of raw material within her borders to draw upon, or more of opportunity to aid in the progress of the world. But the Colossus is chained. The Colossus looks out on the western ocean and sees few but British ships; on the

Pacific and sees few but British and Japanese vessels. To the north the Colossus sees Canada bound to Britain by ties of blood and loyalty and trade. To the south the Colossus sees Mexico, Central America, South America, most of the republics of which are financed by Europe and trade ordinarily with Europe by need or by preference.

America will have ships on the seven seas when America knows the spirit of nationalism, and not before. Until that spirit is strong in its government, in its bankers and in its people it cannot assume its rightful position in world commerce. Unless the spirit is awakened, the end of the war will see American goods going out in British, German, French, Italian, Austrian, Dutch, Norwegian, Greek and Spanish ships as before, and the markets now open to us gradually will close.

If America is to be confined to America, as is inevitable unless this country has its channels to the markets of the world, its industries must be limited sooner or later to America's needs. It cannot have trade channels unless it creates them. They can be established and maintained only through national effort, by unity of action by government, by bankers and by the public.

Heretofore America has been sufficient unto itself. It has been concerned wholly with its internal development. It has had a plethora of natural wealth. No nation has been more favored in this respect. The lavishness of its resources has, in itself, led to overconfidence, indifference, carelessness of the future. But no longer. The population has increased prodigiously. Industries have expanded as never be

fore. Nations, like men, must progress or they retrograde. We must widen our markets permanently or we will suffer. We can widen our markets and hold them through national effort and in no other way. Not until the manufacturer knows that every vessel that bears the Stars and Stripes on the seas is an asset for him; until the banker realizes that by aiding the farmer to increase his crops, the railroads to transport freight more economically and the manufacturer to turn out more goods he is adding to his own business by creating more of trade and more of commerce, and until the statesman sees in everything that helps American marketing something that demands his patriotic support will American commerce find channels of its own through which it will flow freely and permanently. We cannot open foreign markets and hold them unless we act as a nation.

The sooner the national spirit is awakened the better.

If it is not stirred by the opportunity of to-day-the most dazzling opportunity ever presented to a nation-it may be born late, as it has in other lands and to other peoples through struggle, privation and bitter need.-Aug. 23, 1916.

THE AMERICAN RIGHTS
LEAGUE

We all remember the American Rights League, a spontaneous protest against the Lusitania horror. No American could feel alien to the league in its original purpose.

To-day it has ventured on a new field. It is distributing circulars which urge us all to "write or bet

ter telegraph" our senators, congressmen, the State department, to have our government protest against the execution of Capt. Fryatt.

Since when did he become an American and his execution an infringement on "American rights"?

Once more the facts of the Fryatt case: He commanded the British. passenger steamer Brussels. A German war vessel, a submarine, rose and ordered him to stop. The war vessel was obeying our orders that it stop and search, and not simply destroy. Fryatt turned his vessel to ram the warship, which barely escaped. For this exploit Fryatt bore an engraved watch given him by the Admiralty. On a later trip Fryatt, his vessel and watch, were captured by a German destroyer and taken to Zeebrugge. Fryatt was tried by a German court and condemned to death as a sniper.

Fryatt's attack on the warship deprived his vessel of immunity. The Brussels became a warship, subject to torpedo destruction by a second German submarine-they generally hunt in pairs. That would have sunk innocent passengers. Instead, Capt. Fryatt, alone responsible, was alone punished. Germany does not deny the right of passenger vessels to resist warships. She merely asserts the equal right that warships shall punish such passenger vessels -not to the limit of international law, but far below that limit.

The execution of Capt. Fryatt will help deter captains of British passenger steamers from endangering the lives intrusted to them, just as the summary execution of snipers deters the hotheads of a captured town from bringing heavy punishment on innocent civilians.

Upon examination the old Ameri

can Rights League seems now diverted to the work of protecting the "rights" of another nation.-Aug. 23, 1916.

THE UPPER CLASS

There is one thing, and one thing alone, that will save the leisure classes of this country, and that is to abandon leisure and get to work like the rest of us. The workingmen have it in their power-and they are learning their power-to overturn the whole social system.

It is a good system. It has resulted in vast accumulations of machinery and railroads, which increase the general prosperity. The laboring man is better off than he would be under any other system.

That is not the point. He would rather be less well off and not support in idleness and wasteful display a whole race of parasites.

There are two so-called economic justifications of the capitalistic class. First, through the dividends it receives, it acts as agent to withhold part of the product of labor and reinvest it in more machinery and railroads. Labor in this generation is forced to contribute to the creation of more machinery to serve the next generation. It is in this that our progress has consisted.

Second, the capitalistic class has given to it the money to develop strong, healthy children, to give them travel, education, counsel and wide experience, that they may be fitted for the tasks of leadership in the society which, in their youth, supports them without labor.

This upper class is simply the trustee of the wealth entrusted to its hands, to be employed in new investment or in training for serv

ice. But when these trust funds are diverted by the trustees to sybaritic luxury and display and when favored youth is trained not to service or leadership, but is rendered incapable of anything but lives of still greater display and luxurythen what words can we find to describe the baseness of the breach of trust?

Let the upper class search their hearts, examine their lives, count their achievements and judge whether they are rendering account of the talents entrusted to them. So surely as they are not, they will be stripped of the leadership they inherited from more robust fathers, and cast out to the fate they deserve.-Sept. 20,

1916.