It can be said of him that his fame is unblemished. His integrity and courage are absolutely unquestioned. His masterly achievements in many parts of the world, crowned by his extraordinary work of the last two years, are not dimmed by the slight est breath of detraction. He was a knight sans peur et sans reproche.

For nearly three thousand years has the white race been supreme. Kitchener carried the rule of the white man, which we believe the highest form of civilization, to distant parts. As leader in that capacity, he was the representative not merely of the British Empire, but of all the white men.

It is the tragedy of this war that two kindred branches of the white race should undermine each other's power. More than one Kitchener who might have carried the white man's civilization has already been lost. June 6, 1916.

people who had been regarded as volatile, as easily discouraged under the blows of adversity, as incapable of sustaining for very long a struggle in which the eagles of victory did not soon perch upon their banners. And the state of sobriety into which France has been brought by a great national crisis applies to life in all its phases. The French have eliminated forever the impression which existed throughout the world before the battle of the Marne, that they "are a people greatly devoted to the dance, with a fondness for light wines," as the old school geography used to put it.

The French people to-day, as their foes ungrudgingly admit, furnish one of the most striking examples of heroic attachment to a great principle which history has recorded.

Russia presents an astonishing illustration of the power of nations, as of individuals, to achieve a moral regeneration. At the beginning of the war the Russian moujik, oppressed to exhaustion by a grinding system of maladministration, was sodden with vodka. Millions of them were seeking the solace of a

peculiarly virulent form of alcoholic drink, and were achieving physical and economic self-destruction. With an unprecedented access of intelligence, the government shortly after the outbreak of the war struck vigorously at the national vice. It not only went out of the business of vodka selling, but it flatly forbade the sale of vodka throughout the empire.

The results of this prohibition on a national scale are to be seen in a marked diminution of crimes—re

ported by one court as 62 per cent.

and by a notable increase in the working powers and the earning

capacity of the farmers and the laboring men.

England, too, is responding to the call for a national mending of ways. The extravagant scale of living and the lack of thrift among the masses of the British people are so near an approach to the state of mind in the average American community toward these essential details of life that England's process of regeneration is of peculiar interest to Ameri

cans.

As one of the means of raising money for the purposes of the war, the British government is issuing bonds of the denomination of 15 shillings and sixpence ($3.87), for the special benefit of working people. And the floating of these bonds has been made the occasion of a national campaign for the promotion of thrift which is affecting all classes of British society. Women of the working classes, enriched by highly paid employment in munition factories, as well as women of the nobility, are developing habits of thrift that are affecting the national character. Fewer and less elaborate clothes, simpler living, the elimination of the use of the automobile for pleasure riding among the rich, and a marked reduction in the expenditures for entertainment among the working classes, are outward signs of the spiritual change for the better which the English people are undergoing under the sobering and regenerating influences of the time.

Throughout the countries at war the same spirit of devotion has been evoked by the appeal of great causes. It will be a new Europe that American travelers will find across the Atlantic after the turmoil is over.June 19, 1916.

SIR ROGER CASEMENT

Even those who radically dissent from Sir Roger's views of his duty will regret that he has been sentenced to death for his share in the ill-advised rebellion in Ireland. He was a distinguished subject of Great Britain. He has done good service to the empire and to civilization. His calm acceptance of his doom is the expression of his conviction that, in taking a leading part in the uprising against the government which he had formerly served with distinction, he was performing an act of patriotism.

Changes were needed in Ireland. Sir Roger Casement's belief is partly justified by the pressing measures which the British cabinet is taking for the amelioration of Ireland's condition. This new home rule movement is a direct result of the revolt for which his life has been declared forfeit.-June 30, 1916.

TOO LATE

The Senate resolution appealing for clemency for Roger Casement was not delivered to the British authorities until after Casement had paid the death penalty, it was learned here to-day.

The message was dispatched Wednesday afternoon and arrived in London that night. But, apparently due to the fact that the British government offices were not open until morning, the message was not delivered until that time.-News Dispatch.

This is a matter for prompt investigation. The question of interceding in Casement's behalf had long been pending in the Senate. On Saturday, July 29, that body debated and decided the subject. They passed

a resolution asking Great Britain to show clemency to Irish political prisoners, and they requested the President to transmit their resolution to the British government. Senator Stone, of the foreign relations committee, brought the matter up on that day so that, if the Senate decided to intercede, there would be ample time to get their message to London.

The resolution was passed July 29. It was not forwarded from Washington until the afternoon of August 2, when it was already night in London. It was delivered to the Foreign Office Office after Casement's death at 9.07 a. m., August 3.

Mr. Hughes has offered to him. another striking example of the workings of our State department. It is well that Mr. Lansing has come back from his vacation.-Aug. 7,

1916.

WILL RUSSIA ABOLISH THE

PALE?

The conscience of the world has spoken the word of humanity to some of the members of the Russian Duma in behalf of the Jews. Prof. Paul Miliukoff, the leader of the Constitutional Democrats in the Russian parliament, announces his intention to introduce in the Duma a bill abolishing one of the cruelist hardships ever imposed upon a race -the Pale. And this liberalizing act, Mr. Miliukoff admits, has been made politically possible by the effect which public opinion through out the civilized world, and especially in America, has had upon the feeling of the Duma.

Among the powerful advocates of

equal treatment for the Jews in Russia are the late Count Witte, who visited America as Russian plenipotentiary at the peace conference at Portsmouth, and Baron Rosen, who was Russian ambassador to the United States at the time of Count Witte's visit and served as Count Witte's colleague at the conference.

During their stay in America both Count Witte and Baron Rosen had an excellent opportunity to observe the development of the Jewish race

many of them of Russian birth or antecedents. They also had an opportunity to sense the profound disapproval with which Americans regard the Pale, with all its horrors. They took back with them to Russia a realization of the heinousness of

the policy which their country had pursued toward the Jews within its borders. Baron Rosen's public demand for the granting of equal rights to the Jews was one of the first signs of the working of a liberal leaven in Russia in the first year of the war.

Paul Miliukoff and Baron Rosen represent and personify young Russia-the Russia which seriously strives to take its place among the modern nations, as Baron Rosen put it in his famous plea for the removal of the disabilities under which the Jews suffer. But the mass of the Russian people, like the preponderating influences in the government, are against the reforms which Miliukoff is championing. It will be a difficult feat to strike the shackles from the wrists of the Russian Jews, if the task can be accomplished at all, so long as the autocracy remains in the saddle, bolstered up by European democracies for their own political purposes.-Aug. 24, 1916.

THE TEARLESS WOMEN OF

EUROPE

But, as the train left, I looked at the host of women and girls who had come to bid farewell. I saw almost no tears, but there was a look of tender yearning, admiration, almost reverence, and, above all, of eager longing and mothering.

The foregoing is an extract from a letter S. S. McClure sends from London.

What courage, what nobility, and oh, what pathos there is in such a picture!

From the Baltic to the Mediterranean, from the Atlantic to the slopes of the Ural, the millions who are the mothers, the sisters, the daughters of Europe are sending their sons, their brothers, their lovers to die if need be, to be crippled perhaps, to shed their blood as blood never was shed before in all the world's history.

Glorify not the Spartan women.

The tearless women of Europe of to-day know all the bravery, all the fortitude and far more of sacrifice

than those of ancient Sparta.-Sept. 11, 1916.

CONSCIENTIOUS OBJECTORS In the sneers that go up regarding the "conscientious objectors" to military service in Great Britain, it is likely to be forgotten that not all this class is composed of shirkers. The most striking example of those whose hearts would not let them bear arms against their fellow men are the British Quakers.

At the outbreak of the war the Quakers refused to enlist in the army and navy as fighters. It was not because they were themselves afraid to die. Far from it. They offered themselves for dangerous service on mine sweepers upon the seas and as Red Cross workers in the first trenches or in front of them. They would give their lives to save their fellow men, but not to destroy them.

"Life may be given in many ways," and the Quakers have not preferred the worst one.-Sept. 16, 1916.

VERBOTEN

Germany is proverbially the land of verboten, forbidden. The word gets to look like the national motto to those who know just enough German to read signs and not enough of Germany to understand the institutions behind the signs.

It is verboten to spit in public places. It is verboten to play the piano in your flat after 10 at night. It is verboten to throw banana peels on the sidewalk or even on the street. Travelers in Germany laugh at these petty restrictions on personal liberty until they return to live in a flat or walk on the streets in America. Then they balance the two kinds of personal liberty.

The pernicious verboten spirit does not stop here. It is verboten to employ mothers for six weeks after childbirth. It is verboten to put into a street car more than the car can seat. Old age and invalidity insurance make it verboten for employers to use men up at forty and throw them in the scrap heap.

To-day they are wrangling in England over how to halt the vast increase in drinking. In Germany it has been verboten for any brewery to produce over 40 per cent. of its normal peace output. England's starvation campaign is met by Germany's making it verboten for any man to eat more than so much bread per week; there must be enough for all. Simple; and every man obeys, not because he is ignorant or servile

but because he has learned to bend his individual will before the common good.

Freedom in the individual man is the measure of his control over his "natural" self. He is free only when he puts laws of restraint upon his passions, appetities, lusts, subordinating them to his purpose, which is not enjoyment but attainment. If he does not master appetite, it masters him, and he is not free but slave. The athlete is not free; he trains and sacrifices. But he reaches the larger freedom of attainment.

So in social life. Freedom is the name for those self restraints which, by law, individuals contribute to the national purpose. These restraints, verboten, mean real freedom for all. The body politic, so trained and organized, is a body athletic. It can run and not be weary. It can conquer markets abroad. It can abolish all poverty, and half of disease, at home.

The old order changeth, yielding to the new. We shall see verboten all exploitation of the weak, the desertion of aged workers, the myriad. forms of abuse of financial trust, the waste of national resources. This will mean less freedom only for those who now exploit the freedom of their fellow men.

This is Germany's message to the world. This terrible war has forced the world to look for the secret of her marvelous power. We cannot