that Greece is unable to prevent the transportation of the Serbian army; that she is no longer mistress of her own territory; that her sovereignty has been trodden under foot by the aggressive quadruple entente.

The suppression of Greek sovereignty is an interesting development in a struggle which was precipitated nominally because Russia could not suffer Serbian sovereignty to be endangered by an Austrian demand for satisfaction for the assassination of the heir to the Austrian throne.

Greece has had plently of cause to regret that the Anglo-French forces ever undertook the task of championing small nations in the Balkans -especially since her own sovereignty has been sacrificed to the cause of the sovereignty of other small nations.-April 18 1916.

GREECE'S SURRENDER

In yielding completely to the wishes of the entente by deciding upon the full demobilization of the Greek army, King Constantine follows the only course open to him. From the viewpoint of the entente, the demobilization of the Greek army was a military necessity. London, Paris and Petrograd had reason to believe that Greece was preparing to join the central powers.

The chief reason for expecting such a coup was the apparent fact that Greece, by negotiation, had permitted Bulgaria to occupy three strategic fortified points south of the Bulgarian border. This accupation threatened the safety of the right wing of the Franco-British forces in the event of an attempted northward advance against the AustroGerman-Bulgarian forces.

The entente used the weapons of blockade and embargo with telling effect. Confronted with a complete ban upon her communications with the outside world. Greece has laid down her arms. By so doing she has given good guarantees that those arms will not be employed against the entente forces upon her soil.-June 13, 1916.

THE PLIGHT OF GREECE

The hazards which beset the lives of small nations in this war are pointedly illustrated by the situation in which Greece finds herself to-day. When the great war broke out Greece was animated by the hope that she would be able to accomplish what the great majority of Greeks regard as the manifest destiny of their country-the acquisition of additional territory in Macedonia and Thrace and the extension of the kingdom to Asia Minor by the absorption of at least Smyrna and its hinterland.

What has happened instead? Venizelos started out by laying before the entente powers a scheme for the march of a Greek army through Bulgarian territory for an attack upon Constantinople in conjunction with a Franco-British expedition working up Gallipoli peninsula. The entente allies rejected the proposal, partly because it involved an attack upon Bulgaria and partly because they were not prepared for a Balkan campaign on the scale which such an operation would have involved.

Then came Greece's second opportunity. Invited by the entente powers to carry out her treaty agreement with Serbia and send an army against the Bulgarian and

Austro-German forces which were attacking that country, the Greek government declined to entertain such an enterprise, on the plea that the allies did not possess a strong enough force to stand a chance of carrying it out successfully.. Venizelos, who favored the allies' view of the duty of Greece, was dismissed from office. Misfortune after misfortune for his country followed his fall.

Against Greece's protest the allies landed at Salonica, seized the Greek railroad to the north, and conducted an unsuccessful campaign in Serbia. Recently the allies have ordered the Greek army demobilized, have vetoed an issue of Greek currency and made other demands on Greece which the censor allows to be intimated but whose details he will not pass.

If Greece will not comply she will starve; a blockade is now maintained against her.

In the latest phase of its international situation Greece is a government without a sovereignty, a nation without an army, without credit, without trade, and dependent for its bread upon the mercy of foreign powers with which it is nominally at peace. A pitiful spectacle.-June 22, 1916.

THE CONQUEST OF GREECE A country without sovereignty. A king without power. A nation at peace whose territory has been made the battleground of warring powers.

Such is the plight to which Greece has been brought by the ruthless determination of the Entente allies to force her into war on their side. The successive steps by which Hellas has been bullied, overreached, starved

and hounded to a condition of helplessness by the statesmen and soldiers of the Entente furnish the elements of an unparalleled national tragedy.

The browbeating of King Constantine, the "builder of Greater Greece," began with the impending entrance of Turkey into the war. The allies invited him to join them in an expedition against Constantinople. He declined the invitation, as he publicly explained, because he was convinced the expedition would end in disaster. And his judgment was amply justified by the fiasco of Gallipoli, one of the most appalling in the history of warfare.

Then the following things happened in rapid succession to King Constantine and to his unhappy country:

The allies seized the port of Salonica and the country immediately around it. There they established a great military and naval base. King Constantine protested against this flagrant violation of the neutrality of Greece. He foresaw that if the allies used Greek soil for military purposes, the central powers would demand a similar right, and he was anxious above all things to save his country from the ravages of war. The allies scoffed at his protestsand continued the fortification of Salonica.

Having established themselves at the main seaport of Greece, the allies seized other islands and territoriesCorfu, the line of the railroad to the Serbian border; all the region between Salonica and the Serbian border. Constantine again protested. The allies nullified his protest by a display of superior force, and proceeded with their violations of Greek neutrality.

When the Germanic powers began their great drive into Serbia and Bulgaria struck at the lands of which she had been robbed by Serbia in the second Balkan war, the Entente powers executed a diplomatic coup d'etat at Athens. They unearthed a treaty. This treaty, they said, bound Greece to go to the aid of Serbia in case Serbia were attacked by Bulgaria. Constantine, who had drafted the treaty, denied that it pledged Greece to 'put its head into the lion's mouth by undertaking a war, not against Bulgaria but against Germany and Austria. Besides, Constantine pointed out, the allied expedition against Bulgaria and her allies was woefully inadequate and would result in another fiasco.

When the king's judgment of the military situation had been justified by the precipitate retreat of the Anglo-French forces before the Bulgarian advance, the allies started out to vent their spleen upon Greece.

The Greek constitution meant nothing to the statesmen of the widely advertised democracies which had entered the war avowedly for the purpose of sustaining the cause of democracy in Europe in its struggle with Prussian militarism.

They swept royal prerogatives aside like cobwebs; juggled minorities into majorities; dictated to the palace and to the Chamber of Deputies alike; dissolved parliament; trampled the laws of the country under foot.

They blockaded the principal ports of Greece, stopped imports of foodstuffs and annihilated Greek

They commanded Greece to demobilize its army. The king, protesting vainly in the face of superior force, accepted the ultimatum of the allied generals.

They seized the telegraph system of Greece and its post-office machinery.

They divested the Greek governpolice control of the capital. ment of its police powers and took

And now that the allies have de

stroyed the machinery of government in Greece they are exerting the last ounce of pressure to force a disorganized nation into war. The end is foreshadowed by the publication, permitted by the British censor, that Greece is to join in the hostilities without much further delay. The allies will furnish the Greek army with guns and munitions, but it is announced from London that there are to be no pledges of compensation for Greece out of the expected spoils. Greece is to shed her blood without any promise of benefit to herself. She must enter a war which she abhors, without knowing what she is to fight for.

Such is the decree of the high protectors of the weak and the little among nations.

Like Ireland, like Egypt, like the Boer republics, Greece must fall before England's sea power. What mockery in the allies' slogan: "The rights of small nations!"-Sept. 14, 1916.

HOPE FOR THE POLES

The renaming of Novogeorgievsk by its old Polish name of Modlin, by the German invaders of Russia, is significant of the policy which the German administrators are adopting toward the Polish race. This detail of readjustment by the Germans stands out in sharp contrast to the first official act of the Russians, after they had entered Przemysl, in changing the name of that ancient Polish city to Peremysl,

after the Russian fashion.

In Posen, since the final division of Poland, the Prussians have applied measures of denationalization which have earned for them the hatred and distrust of the Polish population. It is evident that since. the war began the Prussians have learned the lesson presented to them by the discontent of their Polish fellow subjects. The results of that lesson are now to be seen in a general change of the official attitude toward the Poles.

In the unmistakable evidences of the desire of Germany to befriend the Poles, now plainly apparent not only in conquered Russian Poland but also in Posen, a gallant race with a brilliant past is beginning to see a hopeful future.-Dec. 23,

1915.

TOO LATE

Events have now come to a conclusion which will enable the hu

mane world to judge who is responsible for the starvation of many scores of thousands of unhappy people in Poland. Unless new evidence comes to light, the terrible burden of that calamity will lie, more heavily than anywhere else, upon the shoulders of the British government.

Poland, a Russian territory projecting into Germany, has been fought over since the war began. country, until what had been one of Army after army has lived off the the granaries of the world became incapable of supporting its inhabitants. To crown the misfortunes of the wretched land, the Russians in their last retreat drove off or killed the cattle. That is why we have today the sickening message: "There are no babies in Poland."

The danger was that the adult population also would be decimated. On December 22, 1915, Mr. Hoover, head of our Belgian relief commission, asked Sir Edward Grey to sanction the shipment of certain foodstuffs through the British blockade for the Polish population. He explained that there were in Poland and Germany enough cereals and potatoes to feed the Poles; but there was a fatal shortage of fats, beans, some kinds of breadstuffs and especially of condensed milk for the children. Polish societies in the United States stood ready to buy and ship these necessaries. Mr. Hoover beged Sir Edward Grey to be allowed to import them into Po

land and distribute them under the auspices of the Belgian relief commission:

I am assured by the German authorities that protection will be afforded to local and imported supplies for the exclusive use of the civil population, and also that every facility will be afforded this commission in the task of organization and distribution under proper guarantee.

our

We have no desire to add to burden, but if fourteen months' service in Belgium have commended us to the various belligerent governments, it is our duty to use the experience thus acquired in behalf of the Polish people.

But it was not to be. Sir Edward Grey, as a condition of consent, asked the impossible. He asked that the German and Austrian armies of occupation should not live off the territory they occupied. Like every other army on foreign soil, they were requisitioning part of their food in Poland and paying for it money with which the Poles, if allowed, could have purchased supplies in America or elsewhere. Grey wrote:

I fear it will be impossible to enter into any arrangement with you in regard to any scheme of relief until the German and Austrian governments have prohibited the export of all foodstuffs from Russian Poland, and have guaranteed that native foodstuffs shall not be

campaign campaign against Germany and Austria had left them no surplus that justified them in refusing any food to which they had a lawful right. Sir Edward Grey knew all this.

So Poland starved. The situation became too terrible for England longer to sponsor. On April 12, 1916, came a dispatch from London saying that

The Pope has approached the representatives of the allies in Rome, asking that facilities be given for the importation of foodstuffs into Poland.

A favorable reply has been given, but with the reservation that effective guarantees must be given that the foodstuffs will reach the suffering Poles, and not be confiscated for the benefit of the German troops.

This was precisely the guarantee that Mr. Hoover had from the German authorities on December 22. The American Commission for the Relief of Belgium is above reproach. No one has ever stated that a pound of food sent to it in Belgium has been diverted from the use of the Belgian people. It would not have been otherwise in Poland.

So, on April 22, there was a prospect that the pope's intercession might save some of those who were left, after a slow exchange of cor

armies.

British consent. Yesterday, on May 11, the British government officially arrived at the unofficial conclusion indicated in the London dispatch of April 22. The British government makes its acceptance of the plan to allow America to feed Poland "conditional" on certain things.

First, the Germans must use the food to feed the Poles in territory occupied by Austrians as well as by Germans. This was the German in