воок preferving the importance and of gratifying the IV. ambition of the leading men of America, it is

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not very probable that they will ever voluntarily fubmit to us; and we ought to confider that the blood which must be shed in forcing them to do fo, is, every drop of it, the blood either of those who are, or of those whom we wish to have for our fellow-citizens. They are very weak who flatter themselves that, in the state to which things have come, our colonies will be eafily conquered by force alone. The perfons who now govern the refolutions of what they call their continental congress, feel in themselves at this moment a degree of importance which, perhaps, the greateft fubjects in Europe scarce feel. From shop-keepers, tradefmen, and attornies, they are become statefmen and legiflators, and are employed in contriving a new form of government for an extenfive empire, which, they flatter themselves, will become, and which, indeed, seems very likely to become, one of the greatest and most formidable that ever was in the world, Five hundred different people, perhaps, who in different ways act immediately under the continental congrefs; and five hundred thoufand, perhaps, who act under those five hundred, all feel in the fame manner a proportionable rife in their own importance. Almost every individual of the governing party in America, fills, at pre. sent in his own fancy, a station fuperior, not only to what he had ever filled before, but to what he had ever expected to fill; and unless some new object of ambition is prefented either to him or

to

to his leaders, if he has the ordinary spirit of a CHAP man, he will die in defence of that station.

It is a remark of the Prefident Henaut, that we now read with pleasure the account of many little transactions of the Ligue, which when they happened were not perhaps confidered as very important pieces of news. But every man then, fays he, fancied himself of some importance; and the innumerable memoirs which have come down to us from those times were, the greater part of them, written by people who took pleafure in recording and magnifying events in which, they flattered themselves, they had been confiderable actors. How obstinately the city of Paris upon that occafion defended itself, what a dreadful famine it supported rather than submit to the best and afterwards to the most beloved of all the French Kings, is well known. The greater part of the citizens, or those who governed the greater part of them, fought in defence of their own importance, which they forefaw was to be at an end whenever the ancient government should be re-established. Our colonies, unless they can be induced to confent to a union, are very likely to defend themselves against the best of all mother countries, as obftinately as the city of Paris did against one of the best of Kings.

The idea of representation was unknown in ancient times. When the people of one state were admitted to the right of citizenship in another, they had no other means of exercising that right but by coming in a body to vote and

GG4

deliberate

VII.

BOOK deliberate with the people of that other state. IV. The admiffion of the greater part of the inhabitants of Italy to the privileges of Roman citizens, completely ruined the Roman republic. It was no longer poffible to diftinguish between who was and who was not a Roman citizen. No tribe could know its own members. A rabble of any kind could be introduced into the affemblies of the people, could drive out the real citizens, and decide upon the affairs of the republic as if they themselves had been fuch. But though America were to fend fifty or fixty new representatives to parliament, the door-keeper of the House of Commons could not find any great difficulty in diftinguishing between who was and who was not a member. Though the Roman conftitution, therefore, was neceffarily ruined by the union of Rome with the allied states of Italy, there is not the least probability that the British conftitution would be hurt by the union of Great Britain with her colonies. That conftitution, on the contrary, would be completed by it, and feems to be imperfect without it. The afssembly which deliberates and decides concerning the affairs of every part of the empire, in order to be properly informed, ought certainly to have reprefentatives from every part of it. That this union, however, could be easily effectuated, or that difficulties and great difficulties might not occur in the execution, I do not pretend. I have yet heard of none, however, which appear infurmountable. The principal perhaps arife, not from the nature of things, but from the prejudices and opinions

of

of the people both on this and on the other fide CHAP. of the Atlantic.

VII.

We, on this fide the water, are afraid left the multitude of American reprefentatives should overturn the balance of the constitution, and increase too much either the influence of the crown on the one hand, or the force of the democracy on the other. But if the number of American representatives were to be in proportion to the produce of American taxation, the number of people to be managed would increase exactly in proportion to the means of managing them; and the means of managing, to the number of people to be managed. The monarchical and democratical parts of the constitution would, after the union, stand exactly in the fame degree of relative force with regard to one another as they had done before.

The people on the other fide of the water are afraid left their distance from the feat of government might expose them to many oppreffions. But their reprefentatives in parliament, of which the number ought from the first to be confiderable, would easily be able to protect them from all oppreffion. The distance could not much weaken the dependency of the reprefentative upon the constituent, and the former would still feel that he owed his feat in parliament, and all the consequence which he derived from it, to the good-will of the latter. It would be the interest of the former, therefore, to cultivate that goodwill by complaining, with all the authority of a member of the legiflature, of every outrage which any

IV.

воок any civil or military officer might be guilty of in those remote parts of the empire. The distance of America from the feat of government, befides, the natives of that country might flatter themselves, with fome appearance of reason too, would not be of very long continuance. Such has hitherto been the rapid progress of that country in wealth, population and improvement, that in the course of little more than a century, perhaps, the produce of American might exceed that of British taxation. The feat of the empire would then naturally remove itself to that part of the empire which contributed most to the general defence and fupport of the whole.

The discovery of America, and that of a paffage to the Eaft Indies by the Cape of Good Hope, are the two greatest and most important events recorded in the history of mankind. Their confequences have already been very great: but, in the short period of between two and three centuries which has elapfed fince these difcoveries were made, it is impoffible that the whole extent of their consequences can have been seen. What benefits, or what misfortunes to mankind may hereafter refult from those great events, no human wisdom can forefee. By uniting, in fome measure, the most distant parts of the world, by enabling them to relieve one another's wants, to encrease one another's enjoyments, and to encourage one another's induftry, their general tendency would feem to be beneficial. To the natives, however, both of the East and West Indies, all the commercial bene