servant, and may possess some degree of integrity and attachment to his master's interest-virtues which frequently belong to free servants, but which never can belong to a slave, who is treated as slaves commonly are in countries where the master is perfectly free and secure.1 That, the condition of a slave is better under an arbitrary than under a free government, is, I believe, supported by the history of all ages and nations. In the Roman history, the first time we read of the magistrate interposing to protect the slave from the violence of his master is under the Emperors. When Vedius Pollio, in the presence of Augustus, ordered one of his slaves, who had committed a slight fault, to be cut into pieces and thrown into his fishpond in order to feed his fishes, the Emperor commanded him, with indignation, to emancipate immediately not only that slave but all the others that belonged to him. Under the Republic, no magistrate could have had authority enough to protect the slave, much less to punish the master. The stock, it is to be observed, which has improved the sugar colonies of France, particularly the great colony of St. Domingo, has been raised almost entirely from the gradual improvement and cultivation of those colonies. It has been almost altogether the produce of the soil and of the industry of the colonists, or, what comes to the same thing, the price of that produce gradually accumulated by good management, and employed in raising a still greater produce. But the stock which has improved and cultivated the sugar colonies of England has, a great part of it, been sent out from England, and has by no means been altogether the produce of the soil and industry of the colonists. The prosperity of the English sugar colonies has been, in a great measure, owing to the great riches of England, of which a part has overflowed, if one may say so, upon those colonies. But the prosperity of the sugar colonics of France has been entirely owing to the good conduct of the colonists, which must therefore have had some superiority over that of the English ; and this superiority has been marked in nothing so much as in the goou management of their slaves. | How true this reasoning is, will be manifest froin the evidence afforded us as to the condition of the plantation slaves in the American Union, before the outbreak of the American civil war. Mrs. Stowe's tale was a fiction, and there. fore may be said to be an exaggeration, but there is no exaggeration in the accounts given by Mr. Olisted and Mrs. Butler. Such have been the general outlines of the policy of the different European nations with regard to their colonies. The policy of Europe, therefore, has very little to boast of, either in the original establishment, or, so far as concerns their internal government, in the subsequent prosperity of the colonies of America. Folly and injustice seem to have been the principles which presided over and directed the first project of establishing those colonics; the folly of hunting after gold and silver mines, and the injustice of coveting the possession of a country whose harmless natives, far from having ever injured the people of Europe, had received the first adventurers with every mark of kindness and hospitality. The adventurers, indeed, who formed some of the later establishments, joined to the chimerical project of finding gold and silver mines other motives more reasonable and more laudable ; but even these motives do very little honour to the policy of Europe. The English Puritans, restrained at home, fled for freedom to America, and established there the four governments of New England. The English Catholics, treated with much greater injustice, established that of Maryland; the Quakers that of Pennsylvania. The Portuguese Jews, persecuted by the Inquisition, stripped of their fortunes, and banished to Brazil, introduced by their example some sort of order and industry among the transported selons and strumpets by whom that colony was originally peopled, and taught them the culture of the sugar-cane. Upon all these different occasions it was not the wisdom and policy, but the disorder and injustice of the European governments, which peopled and cultivated America. In effectuating some of the most important of these establishments, the different governments of Europe had as little merit as in projecting them. The conquest of Mexico was the project, not of the council of Spain, but of a governor of Cuba ; and effectuated by the spirit of the bold adventurer to whom it was entrusted, in spite of everything which that governor, who soon repented of having trusted such a person, could do to thwart it. The conquerors of Chili and Peru, and of almost all the other Spanish settlements upon the continent of America, carried out with them no other public encouragement but a general permission to make was settlements and conquests in the name of the King of Spain. Those adventures were all at the private risk and expense of the adventurers. The Government of Spain contributed scarce anything to any of them; that of England contributed as little towards effectuating the establishment of some of its most important colonies in North America. When those establishments were effectuated, and had become so considerable as to attract the attention of the mother country, the first regulations which she made with regard to them had always in view to secure to herself the monopoly of their commerce, to confine their market and to enlarge her own at their expense, and, consequently, rather to damp and discourage than to quicken and forward the course of their prosperity. In the different ways in which this monopoly has been exercised consists one of the most essential differences in the policy of the different European nations with regard to their colonies. The best of them all, that of England, is only somewhat less illiberal and oppressive than that of any of the rest. In' what way, therefore, has the policy of Europe contributed either to the first establishment or to the present grandeur of the colonies of 'America ? In one way, and in one way only, it has contributed a good deal. Magna virúm Mater! It bred and formed the men who were capable of achieving such great actions and of laying the foundation of so great an empire; and there is no other quarter of the world of which the policy is capable of forming, or has ever actually and in fact formed such men. The colonies owe to the policy of Europe the education and great views of their active and cnterprising founders; and some of the greatest and most important of them, so far as concerns their internal government owe to it scarce anything else. · It is plain that the inercantile policy which this country carried out with the American plantations was one in which both parties suffered a loss. The colonies were allowed a monopoly of sale in England; the English merchants assumed a monopoly of exportation to the colonies. Had the trade between the mother country and its dependencies been natural, it is manifest that these irregularities were superfluous; if it was not natural, it is equally manifest that the rogulutions were ruinous. In point of fact, both countries adopted, in 8. Holland the principles of the colonial ". em restrained the market, the worst and least profitable mode of carrying on their trade. But so wedded were the states. men of the age to their theory, that the concession of Independence was interpreted as necessitating the downfall of British commerce, and the only consolation which the English Government felt was that Great Britain bad still some colonies left. PART III, Of the Milvantages which Europe has derired from the Discorery of America, and from that of a passage to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope. Such are the advantages which the colonies of Amerion have derived from the policy of Europe. What are those which Europe has derived from the discovery and colonisation of America ? Those advantages may be divided, first, into the general al vantages which Europe, considered as one great country, has derived from those great events; and, sccondly, into the partioular advantages which cach colonising country has derived from the colonies which particularly belong to it, in consequence of the authority or dominion which it exercises over them. The general advantages which Europe, considered as one great country, has derived from the discovery and colonisation of America, consist, first, in the increase of its enjoyment; and, secondly, in the augmentation of its industry. The surplus produce of America, imported into Europe, furnishes the inhabitants of this great continent with a variety of commoditiru which they could not otherwise have pomocneed, one for conveniency and use, some for pleasure, and some fur ornament, 'aund thereby contributes to increase their enjoymentu, The discovery and colonisation of America, it will readily ha allowed, have contributed to augment, the industry, first, of all the countries which trade to it dirtly, such as Sjmin, Portugal, Vranek, and England; and, secondly, of all theme, which, withurst, trung in it directly, send, throgh the medium of that wasntrum, Math , of their own pedane; erh as Antrian Vanderkand #8538 fillon me vite of Germany, which, trzech the restore the snopile jerse latina mentioned, and to it, a hatimai, de a vacing od list will fin All chestra karo nuser.in qalert 4 #6,6, 1.1 market for their st", ad #f. **. 618.45, #1.3, houve ' en gangers. *y, Bart 1. omge, 614** *14., atrum Psik 61,9 month eacsuirzez to 99.7765357.*2 % na 11 para todo puede which may never, perhaps, have sent a single commodity of their own produce to America, is not, perhaps, altogether so evident. That those events have done so, however, cannot be doubted. Some part of the produce of America is consumed in Hungary and Poland, and there is some demand there for the sugar, chocolate, and tobacco of that new quarter of the world. But those commodities must be purchased with something which is either the produce of the industry of Hungary and Poland, or with something which had been purchased with some part of that produce. Those commodities of America are new values, new equivalents, introduced into Hungary and Poland, to be exchanged there for the surplus produce of those countries. By being carried thither they create a new and more extensive market for that surplus produce. They raise its value, and thereby contribute to encourage its increase. Though no part of it may ever be carried to America, it may be carried to other countries which purchase it with a part of their share of the surplus produce of America; and it may find a market by means of the circulation of that trade which was originally put into motion by the surplus produce of America. Those great events may even have contributed to increase the enjoyments and to augment the industry of countries which not only never sent any commodities to America, but never received any from it. Even such countries may have received a greater abundance of other commodities from countries of which the surplus produce had been augmented by means of the American trade. This greater abundance, as it must necessarily have increased their enjoyments, so it must likewise have augmented their industry. A greater number of new cquivalents of some kind or other must have been presented to them to be exchanged for the surplus produce of that industry. A more extensive market must have been created for that surplus produce, so as to raise its value, and thereby encourage its increase. The mass of commodities annually thrown into the great circle of European commerce, and by its various revolutions annually distributed among all the different nations comprehended within it, must have been augmented by the whole surplus produce of America. A greater share of this greater mass, therefore, is likely to have fallen to each of those nations, to have increased their enjoyments and augmented their industry. The exclusive trade of the mother countries tends to diminish, or, |