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PART III.

Of the Ailvantages which Europe has derived from the Discovery of

America, and from that of a passage to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope.

Such are the advantages which the colonies of America have derived from the policy of Europe.

What are those which Europe has derived from the discovery and colonisation of America ?

Those advantages may be divided, first, into the general advantages which Europe, considered as one great country, has derived from those great events; and, secondly, into the particular advantages which each colonising country has derived from the colonies which particularly belong to it, in consequence of the authority or dominion which it exercises over them.

The general advantages which Europe, considered as one great country, has derived from the discovery and colonisation of America, consist, first, in the increase of its enjoyments; and,

is secondly, in the augmentation of its industry.

The surplus produce of America, imported into Europe, furnishes the inhabitants of this great continent with a variety of commodities which they could not otherwise have possessed, some for conveniency and use, some for pleasure, and some for ornament, 'and thereby contributes to increase their enjoyments.

The discovery and colonisation of America, it will readily be allowed, have contributed to augment the industry, first, of all the countries which trade to it directly, such as Spain, Portugal, France, and England; and, secondly, of all those which, without trading to it directly, send, through the medium of other countries, goods to it of their own produce; such as Austrian Flanders and some provinces of Germany, which, through the medium of the countries before mentioned, send to it a considerable quantity of linen and other goods. All such countries have evidently gained a more extensive market for their surplus produce, and must consequently have been encouraged to increase its quantity.

But that those great events should likewise have contributed to encourage the industry of countries such as Hungary and Poland, 1763, the same drawbacks were paid upon the exportation of the greater part of foreign goods to our colonies as to any independent foreign country. In 1763, indeed, by the 4th of Geo. IV, 0. 16, this indulgence was a good deal abated, and it was enacted, “That no part of the duty called the old subsidy should be drawn back for any goods of the growth, production, or manufacture of Europe or the East Indies, which should be exported from this kingdom to any British colony or plantation in America ; wines, white calicoes and muslins excepted. Before this law, many different sorts of foreign goods might have been bought cheaper in the plantations than in the mother country; and some may still.

Of the greater part of the regulations concerning the colony trade, the merchants who carry it on, it must be observed, have been the principal advisers. We must not wonder, therefore, if, in the greater part of them, their interest has been more considered than either that of the colonies or that of the mother country. In their exclusive privilege of supplying the colonies with all the goods which they wanted from Europe, and of purchasing all such parts of their-surplus produce as could not interfere with any of the trades which they themselves carried on at home, the interest of the colonies was sacrificed to the interest of those merchants. In allowing the same drawbacks upon the re-exportation of the greater part of European and East India goods to the colonies, as upon their re-exportation to any independent country, the interest of the mother country was sacrificed to it, even according to the mercantile ideas of that interest. It was for the interest of the merchants to pay as little as possible for the foreign goods which they sent to the colonies, and, consequently, to get back as much as possible of the duties which they advanced upon their importation into Great Britain. They might thereby be enabled to sell in the colonies, either the same quantity of goods with a greater profit, or a greater quantity with the same profit, and, consequently, to gain something either in the one way or the other. It was, likewise, for the interest of the colonies to get all such goods as cheap and in as great abundance as possible. But this might not always be for the interest of the mother country. She might frequently suffer both in her revenue, by giving back a great part of the duties which had been paid upon the importation of such goods; and in her manufactures, by being undersold in the colony market, in consequence of the east terms which for mana. In thitber br means of this draurks The page of the listene manufactare of Great Britain, it is ammonly stad, has ***** deal retarded by the drawbacks upon the exportation of German linen to the American colonies

But though the polier of Great Britain with mand to the female of her colonies has been dictated by the same menventile purit ** that of other nations, it has, however, in the whole luwe lewe illiberal and oppressive than that of any of them.

In everything, ercept their foreign trade, the library of the English colonists to manage their own atlairs their own in pletc. It is in every respect equal to that of their follow entire il home, and is secured in the same manner, by an assomlily of the representatives of the people, who claim the sole right of impin taxes for the support of the colony government. The authority of this assembly overawes the executive power, and neither the mennent nor the most obnoxious colonist, as long as l obeye the law, lnum anything to fear from the resentment, either of the governor, or of any other civil or military oflicer in the province. The colony assemblies, though, like the House of Commons in Blom, thay nre not always a very equal representation of the prople, you clony approach more nearly to that charneter; nnd on the executive power either has not the means to corrupt thom, or, on account of the amp port which it receives from the mother oountry, in mob der the necessity of doing so, they are perlimpa in primeral more inten by the inclinations of their constituents. The councila, which, in the colony legislatures, correspond to the blouse of Love in (hrend Britain, are not composed of an herolitary nobility. In one of the colonies, as in three of the governments of Now plant, the councils are not appointed by the king, but chosen by the penalt tatives of the people. In none of the English ontem in there any hereditary nobility. In all of thein, indaril, us in all other true countries, the descendant of an old colomy family is ne save than an upstart of equal merit and furtuna, but he is only will respected, and he has no privileges by which he really free powiewane to his neighbours. Before the onmemment of the iteund dom, turbanosa, the colony anambilie bose 14, my whole lograbubara, last part of the entire power. In Camereut, nulla famille they eless the greatest,

Is there to hear we demosen they gonna

the revenue officers who collected the taxes imposed by those respective assemblies, to whom those officers were immediately responsible. There is more equality, therefore, among the English colonists than among the inhabitants of the mother country. Their manners are more republican, and their governments, those of three of the provinces of New England in particular, have hitherto been more republican too.

The absolute governments of Spain, Portugal, and France, on the contrary, take place in their colonies; and the discretionary powers which such governments commonly delegate to all their inferior officers are, on account of the great distance, naturally exercised there with more than ordinary violence. Under all absolute governments there is more liberty in the capital than in any other part of the country. The sovereign himself can never have either interest or inclination to pervert the order of justice, or to oppress the great body of the people. In the capital his presence overawes more or less all his inferior officers, who in the remoter provinces, from whence the complaints of the people are less likely to reach him, can exercise their tyranny with much more safety.

But the European colonies in America are more remote than the most distant provinces of the greatest empires which had ever been known before. The government of the English colonies is perhaps the only one which, since the world began, could give perfect security to the inhabitants of so very distant a province. The administration of the French colonies, however, has always been conducted with more gentleness and moderation than that of the Spanish and Portuguese. This superiority of conduct is suitable both to the character of the French nation, and to what forms the character of every nation, the nature of their government, which, though arbitrary and violent in comparison with that of Great Britain, is legal and free in comparison with those of Spain and Portugal.

It is in the progress of the North American colonies, however, that the superiority of the English policy chiefly appears. The progress of the sugar colonies of France has been at least equal, perhaps superior, to that of the greater part of those of England ; and yet the sugar colonies of England enjoy a free government nearly of the same kind with that which takes places in her colonies of North America. But the sugar colonies of France are not discouraged, like those of England, from refining their own sugar ; and, what is of still greater importance, the genius of their government naturally introduces a better management of their negro slaves.

In all European colonies the culture of the sugar-cano is carried on by negro slaves. The constitution of those who have been born in the temperate climate of Europe could not, it is supposed, support the labour of digging the ground under the burning sun of the West Indies; and the culture of the sugar-cane, as it is managed at present, is all hand labour, though, in tho opinion of many, the drill plough might be introduced into it with gront advantage. But, as the profit and success of the cultivation which is carried on by means of cattle, depend very much upon tho good management of those cattle, so the profit and success of that which is carried on by slaves must depend equally upon the good manngoment of those slaves; and in the good management of their slaves the French planters, I think it is generally allowed, aro superior to the English. The law, so far as it gives some weak protection to the slave against the violence of his master, is likely to be better executed in a colony where the government is in a great moneuro arbitrary, than in one where it is altogether free. In every country where the unfortunate law of slavery is established, the magistrato, when he protects the slave, intermeddles in some measure in the management of the private property of the manter; and, in a free country, where the master is perhaps either a member of the colony assembly, or an elector of such a member, he dare not do this but, with the greatest caution and circumspection. The respect, which he is obliged to pay to the master, rendere it more difficult for him to protect the slave. But in a country where the government is in a great measure arbitrary, where it is usual for the magistrate to intermeddle even in the management of the private property of individuals, and to send them, perhajra, a lettre de cachet if they do not manage it according to his liking, it is much easier for him to give some protection to the glave; and common humanity naturally disposes him to do so. The protertion of the magistrate, rotulote the slave less contemptible in the eyes of his master, who ia thereby induced to consider him with more pegard, and to treat him with more gentleness. Geritle naaye rendera the slave it, only mounter faithful, but more intelligent, and therefore, non a daite, assaint, more tusefil. He apprracher more to the indirim & * from

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