become the proprietors of the soil. SARONIC GULF. A. C. 427. Olymp. 88. 2. Athenian citizens who τοὺς ἄλλους σφῶν αὐτῶν κληρούχους τοὺς λαχόντας ἀπέπεμψαν· οἷς ἀργύριον Λέσβιοι ταξάμενοι τοῦ κλήρου ἑκάστου τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ δύο μνᾶς φέρειν αὐτοὶ εἰργάζοντο τὴν γῆν. παρέλαβον δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐν τῇς 5 ἠπείρῳ πολίσματα οἱ ̓Αθηναῖοι ὅσων Μυτιληναῖοι ἐκράτουν, καὶ ὑπήκουον ὕστερον 'Αθηναίων. τὰ μὲν κατὰ Λέσβον5 οὕτως ἐγένετο. IO LI. Ἐν δὲ τῷ αὐτῷ θέρει μετὰ τὴν Λέσβου ἅλωσιν Αθηναῖοι Νικίου τοῦ Νικηράτου στρατηγοῦντος ἐστράτευσαν ἐπὶ Μίνωαν τὴν νῆσον, ἡ κεῖται πρὸ Μεγάρων The small island of ἐχρῶντο δὲ αὐτῇ πύργον ἐνοικοδομήσαντες οἱ SARONIC GULF. 4. ἐξειργάζοντο L.O.P. ἠργάζοντο Ε. ὕστερον L.O.P. τὰ μὲν] ταῦτα Q. H. Goell. μίνων vulgo, et Bekk. ed. Rigalt. Compare also Böckh, Staatshaushaltung der Athener. book iii. C. 2. There were other instances of land consecrated by individuals to some god, in which the τέμενος, or land thus set apart, was still possessed by them and their posterity, subject only to the charge of keeping up the temple, and its service, and maintaining its ministers. The object of these consecrations was to secure the possession of the land more effectually, by putting it under the sanction of religion. See the well known case of Xenophon thus consecrating his land at Scillus to Diana, Anabasis, V. 3, 6—13. and Mæandrius claiming to himself and family the perpetual priesthood of a temple which he had built to Jupiter the Deliverer, Herodotus, III. 142, 2, 5. Finally, certain priesthoods and sacred lands were sometimes given to the kings, as to Battus at Cyrene, Herodot. IV. 161, 4. and to the kings of Sparta, Herodot. VI. 56, 1. In these cases the profits of the land went of course to the king's maintenance in the double capacity of priest and tenant, while, by being invested with the sacred character, his tenure of the sacred land was a source of dignity as well as of advantage. Ι. κληρούχους—ἀπέπεμψαν] They sent them out probably to ascertain the size 6. ὕστερον ἀθηναίοις Q. ἀθηναίων 8. τὴν] om. L.O.P. ΙΟ. μινώαν and situation of their respective shares, and to arrange matters with their future tenants. But it is clear that they did not continue to live in the island, from all the subsequent story of the revolts in Lesbos, VIII. 22. 23. and Xenophon, Hellenic. I. 6. II. 2. which evidently shews that there was no population of Athenian citizens then residing there. It is clear also from VII. 57, 2. where Thucydides, in his account of the composition of the Athenian armament at Syracuse, mentions the Athenian settlers of Ægina and Histiæa, both of whom must have been far less numerous and of less importance than the three thousand settlers of Lesbos, had they really settled there. Besides, as the old inhabitants continued to live on their land, and to cultivate it, it would have been a mere banishment from all the enjoyments of Athens without any object, had the Athenian shareholders gone to live in idleness at Lesbos, when they might just as easily have received their rent at Athens. On the whole subject of the κληρούχοι, corresponding with the coloni of Rome, quibus agri assignabantur, see Böckh, Staatshaushaltung, &c. vol. I. book iii. c. 18. 10. Μίνωαν τὴν νῆσον] Strabo, ΙΧ. p. 391. ἄκραν vocat. DUKER. is occupied by the Athenians. SARONIC GULF. A. C. 427. Olymp. 88. 2. 2 Minoa, of Megara, Μεγαρῆς φρουρίῳ. ἐβούλετο δὲ Νικίας τὴν φυλακὴν αὐτόθεν δι ̓ ἐλάσσονος τοῖς ̓Αθη ναίοις καὶ μὴ ἀπὸ τοῦ Βουδόρου καὶ τῆς Σαλαμῖνος εἶναι, τούς τε Πελοποννησίους, ὅπως μὴ ποιῶνται ἔκπλους αὐτόθεν λανθάνοντες τριήρων τε, οἷον καὶ τὸ πρὶν γενόμενον, καὶ 5 λῃστῶν ἐκπομπαῖς, τοῖς τε Μεγαρεῦσιν ἅμα μηδὲν ἐσπλεῖν. 3ἑλὼν οὖν ἀπὸ τῆς Νισαίας πρῶτον δύο πύργῳ προέχοντε μηχαναῖς ἐκ θαλάσσης, καὶ τὸν ἔσπλουν ἐς τὸ μεταξὺ τῆς νήσου ἐλευθερώσας, ἀπετείχιζε καὶ τὸ ἐκ τῆς ἠπείρου, ᾗ κατὰ γέφυραν διὰ τενάγους ἐπιβοήθεια ἦν τῇ νήσῳ οὐ πολὺ το 4 διεχούσῃ τῆς ἠπείρου. ὡς δὲ τοῦτο ἐξειργάσαντο ἐν ἡμέραις ὀλίγαις, ὕστερον δὴ καὶ ἐν τῇ νήσῳ τεῖχος ἐγκαταλιπὼν καὶ φρουρὰν ἀνεχώρησε τῷ στρατῷ. 2. αὐτόθι Ο. 1. ἐβουλεύετο Κ. αὐτόθι Ρ. αὐτῶν Α.Β.V.g. 7. νισσαίας O. et prima manu C. 10. ἐπιβοηθείαι Ε. ἐπὶ βοηθείᾳ K.g. γαις ἡμέραις V. 4. μὴ] om. P. 6. ἐκπομπὰς h. 9. ᾗ] ἡ Α. 3. Βουδούρου Γ. 4. τούς τε Πελοποννησίους] Cass. hic adscriptum habet scholion, ἐβούλετο δηλονότι. Ita accusativus τοὺς Πελοποννησίους, hic erit pro nominativo, quasi esset, καὶ ὅπως οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι μὴ ποιῶνται ἔκπλους. Hæc constructio usitatis. sima est cum verbis οἶδα, ὁρῶ, φοβοῦς μαι, eorumque synonymis, cujus multa exempla congessit Stephan. ad Script. de Dial. p. 51. Nec tamen infrequens cum aliis. De λέγω et ἀγγέλλω vid. quæ adnotat Clar. Gronov. ad Arrian. III. I. Aristoph. Plut. 56. σὺ πρότερον σαυτὸν ὅστις εἶ, φράσον. Nubib. 144. ἀνήρετο Χαιρεφῶντα ψύλλαν ὁπόσους ἄλλοιτο τοὺς αὐτῆς πόδας. Εt Avib. 1269. Δεινόν γε τὸν κήρυκα, τὸν παρὰ τοὺς βροτοὺς Οἰχόμενον, εἰ μηδέποτε πάλιν. DUKER. νοστήσει τούς τε Πελοποννησίους, ὅπως μὴ ποιῶνται] The accusative case is owing to τὴν φυλακὴν which had preceded it, and an infinitive mood was probably intended to follow, μὴ ποιεῖσθαι λανθάνοντας, instead of which Thucydides changed the construction, and wrote ὅπως μὴ ποιῶνται λανθάνοντες. 7. ἑλὼν οὖν ἀπὸ τῆς Νισαίας κ. τ. λ.] ἐν ὀλί The situations of Minoa and Nisæa are “ side of Nisæa,” as opposed to τὸ ἐκ ΤΟ PLATEA. A. C. 427. Olymp. 88. 2. LII. Ὑπὸ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους τοῦ θέρους τούτου καὶ οἱ Πλαταιῆς οὐκέτι ἔχοντες σῖτον οὐδὲ δυνάμενοι πολιορκεῖσθαι ξυνέβησαν τοῖς Πελοποννησίοις τοιῷδε Conclusion of the siege. τρόπῳ. προσέβαλον αὐτῶν τῷ τείχει, οἱ δὲς PLATEA. The remaining inha 5 bitants, pressed by οὐκ ἐδύναντο ἀμύνεσθαι. γνοὺς δὲ ὁ Λακεδαι- 3 famine, surrender city to the Lacedæmo nians. Five commis ta to try them in a Platæans ask and ob tain leave to be heard greater length. themselves and their μόνιος ἄρχων τὴν ἀσθένειαν αὐτῶν βίᾳ μὲν οὐκ ἐβούλετο ἑλεῖν· εἰρημένον γὰρ ἦν αὐτῷ ἐκ sioners sent from Spar- Λακεδαίμονος, ὅπως, εἰ σπονδαὶ γίγνοιντό ποτε summary manner. The πρὸς Αθηναίους καὶ ξυγχωροῖεν ὅσα πολέμῳ χωρία ἔχουσιν ἑκάτεροι ἀποδίδοσθαι, μὴ ἀνάin their own defence at δοτος εἴη ἡ Πλάταια ὡς αὐτῶν ἑκόντων προσχωρησάντων) προσπέμπει δὲ αὐτοῖς κήρυκα λέγοντα εἰ βούλονται παραδοῦναι τὴν πόλιν ἑκόντες τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ δικασταῖς ἐκείνοις χρήσασθαι, τούς τε 15 ἀδίκους κολάζειν, παρὰ δίκην δὲ οὐδένα. τοσαῦτα μὲν ὁ4 κήρυξ εἶπεν· οἱ δὲ (ἦσαν γὰρ ἤδη ἐν τῷ ἀσθενεστάτῳ) παρέδοσαν τὴν πόλιν. καὶ τοὺς Πλαταίας ἔτρεφον οἱ Πελο- 5 4. προσέβαλλον C.G.I. αὐτῶν] om. F.L.O.P. 5. ἐδύναντο Α.Ε.Η.K.V.d.e. Poppo. Goell. Bekk. ceteri ήδύναντο. 6. αὐτῶν] om. Η.Ν.V. 7. yàp] y' Q. 12. προπέμπει L.O.P. 2. οὐκέτι] οὐκ c.f. αὐτῷ V. ἀμύνασθαι d.e. 8. γένοιντο ε. δὲ Κ.. 66 66 λακεδαιμονίοις d. 16. κῆρυξ Bekk. 13. λέγοντα, εἰ βούλονται κ. τ. λ.] The words εἰ βούλονται are to be understood as the herald's question, “ Are they "disposed to surrender their city to the Lacedæmonians, and submit to their • judgment, and that they should pu" nish the guilty, but no one contrary “ to justice ?” Βούλονται is put in the indicative mood, according to that well known practice of the Greeks to blend the forms of dramatic and narrative composition together, using the mood and tense which the speaker himself would have used, yet adopting the third person instead of the second, as relating that he said so and so to a third party. For the expression εἰ βούλονται without any further apodosis, compare IV. 37, 2. ἐκήρυξάν τε, εἰ βούλοιντο τὰ ὅπλα παρα 14. τε] δοῦναι καὶ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ̓Αθηναίοις ὥστε βουλεῦσαι ὅτι ἂν ἐκείνοις δοκῇ. I have taken τε in τούς τε ἀδίκους as the simple copulative conjunction; the subject to koλáce is understood from the preceding words δικασταῖς ἐκείνοις χρήσασθαι, and the tense is varied perhaps for that very reason, to shew that the subject is changed; although the present and aorist, and the present and future, are found in so many other instances to be joined together in the same sentence after μέλλω, βούλομαι, and similar verbs, that it is unnecessary to seek for any particular reason for the variation from one tense to the other. See Lobeck, Parerga ad Phrynich. VI. p. 747. note. PLATEA. A. C. 427. Olymp. 88. 2. ποννήσιοι ἡμέρας τινὰς, ἐν ὅσῳ οἱ ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος 6 δικασταὶ πέντε ἄνδρες ἀφίκοντο. ἐλθόντων δὲ αὐτῶν κατηγορία μὲν οὐδεμία προετέθη, ἠρώτων δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐπικαλεσάμενοι τοσοῦτον μόνον, εἴ τι Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τῷ καθεστῶτι ἀγαθόν τι εἰργασμένοι 5 η εἰσίν. οἱ δ' ἔλεγον, αιτησάμενοι μακρότερα εἰπεῖν καὶ προτάξαντες σφῶν αὐτῶν ̓Αστύμαχόν τε τὸν ̓Ασωπολάου καὶ 8 Λάκωνα τὸν ̓Αειμνήστου πρόξενον ὄντα Λακεδαιμονίων. καὶ ἐπελθόντες ἔλεγον τοιάδε. 66 LIII. “ ΤΗΝ μὲν παράδοσιν τῆς πόλεως, ὦ Λακεδαι- το μόνιοι, πιστεύσαντες ὑμῖν ἐποιησάμεθα, οὐ τοιάνδε δίκην οἰόμενοι ὑφέξειν, νομιμωτέραν δέ τινα ἔσεσθαι, καὶ ἐν δικασταῖς οὐκ ἐν ἄλλοις δεξά SPEECH OF THE PLATEANS. They express their 1. τῆς] om. f. 66 66 2. κακηγορία Ε.g. 3. προσετέθη ε. εἰ τοὺς λακεδαιμονίους Κ. 5. ἐν τῷ] αὐτῷ Q. om. Κ. ἀγαθόν τι] om. e. εἰργασάμενοι Ο. L.O.P. 4. εἴ τι-ἀγαθόν τι] The repetition of the τι may seem suspicious, as in c. 54, 2. where these words occur again, every MS. has merely εἴ τι—ἀγαθὸν, and in c. 68, 2. all the best MSS. agree in the same reading. I believe, however, that here and in c. 68, 2. the τι should be repeated, but not in c. 54, 2. The Lacedæmonians meant to put the question as strongly as possible, “ whether they had “ in any point done any service;” but the Platæans in quoting it in their own speech naturally make it less pointed, and merely state it as asking "whether they had done any service," &c. 66 66 6. οἱ δ ̓ ἔλεγον—καὶ ἐπελθόντες ἔλεγον] The second ἔλεγον Haack understands of the particular speakers; the first of the whole body of the Platæans; the second is, in short, a sort of corrected expression for what had before been stated loosely and inaccurately. 12. νομιμωτέραν δέ τινα ἔσεσθαι] That it would be a trial according to the common laws of justice and usages of all countries, which should make the issue to be tried not simply one of fact, where the fact was allowed on both sides; but one of law and equity, 4. μόνον] om. d.i. καθεστῶτι] om. g. τῷ 8. καὶ ἐλθόντες c. om. whether the fact was a crime, and if it were, whether there were any circumstances in the case to palliate it and mitigate the punishment; both which questions were wholly precluded by the course adopted by the Lacedæmonians. In the grammatical construction of the opening sentences of this chapter we may remark the use of the indicative mood ἡμαρτήκαμεν after μr, in order to express the conviction of the speaker, rather than his doubtful apprehension, that the Platæans had actually missed both the advantages which they had hoped to gain : "We fear lest we have "missed," not, "lest we may have "missed." See Matthiæ, Gr. Gr. §. 520. obs. 5. Jelf, 814, a. and Hermann on Viger, note 27o. and “De Modorum • Constructionibus apud Homerum.” We may notice also the genitive and nominative absolute following after TEKμαιρόμενοι. προκατηγορίας οὐ γεγενημένης —τό τε ἐπερώτημα βραχὺ ὄν. So in I. I, I. we have τεκμαιρόμενος—ὅτι ἦσαν—καὶ —ὁρῶν. Compare Poppo, Prolegom. I. p. 129. 13. οὐκ ἐν ἄλλοις] “ Lege οὐκ ἂν ἄλ" λοις.” DOBREE. But the order of |