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cratic freedom and bureaucratic despotism no nation could remain neutral.

No organization within the United States has had more correct understanding of the issues and the dangers involved than the organized labor movement, and no element is more important in enabling the nation to take effective part in defense of our position.

A nation preparing for war must begin with its industries. Since war was declared the needs of the Government have become of paramount importance in industry and commerce. An economic reorganization is taking place. The economic centre has gravitated to Washington, and the new economies make necessary direct relations and

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understanding between workers and the Government. The Government cannot deal with these workers individually, and therefore must deal with their representatives. A representative capacity is only possible where organization exists. With this understand.ng the American Federation of Labor has been trying to protect the rights and interests of all workers by securing the establishment of agencies for dealing with matters affecting those engaged in war production.

Problems growing out of the work are problems that affect the lives of workers. They are therefore important to our nation and Government not only from the standpoint of material effectiveness, but of ideals. A government fighting for freedom and democracy abroad must establish industrial justice in war production at home. For workers are serving the cause just as much as soldiers in the trenchesthough not so conspicuously or with such hazard.

The basis upon which our Republic should ask its workers to give service is adequate representation of all agencies determining government plans and methods of carrying them into effect.

Progress has been made toward this end, but the workers do not feel that

it has gone far enough to assure the toilers their rights. Just methods for insuring justice to workers are the only effective means by which their united co-operation can be secured for the war and by which the menace of terrorism and industrial anarchy can be removed.

The members of organized labor have demonstrated their patriotism and their appreciation of the country's need, by their patience and their service even under conditions which they could not justify.

On this day, dedicated to labor, the thoughts of all workers may well be directed to this problem, which involves both humanity and country. It is a problem that is of fundamental importance in securing democracy and freedom the world over. The new world relations which labor hopes to create through the instrumentality of this war must bring freedom and humanity in the vital affairs of life the world over.

Let every worker and every labor organization on this day plan for the realization of their greatest ideals by effective practical demonstration and action.

The clouds of war hover above us, the world of pain, suffering and travail clutch at our very heartstrings, but beyond them and the sacrifices is a sunbeam of encouragement and hope; just a glimmer of victory in the end; a glimpse of the sunbeam which will burst into a full noonday of glorious triumph, of peace with justice, freedom and democracy for all the peoples of all the world.

SAYS DRAFT IS USED TO COERCE WORKERS.

Philadelphia, Sept. 8.-Trade unionists have protested to a local district appeal board that the Midvale Steel Company and the Baldwin Locomotive Works are holding exemption from the draft as a club over the heads of their employes to coerce them into working under objectionable conditions.

The steel company is also charged

with violating the Federal eight-hour law and abandoning three shifts in many shops and substituting two shifts of ten hours each with the same wage formerly paid for the eight-hour day.

Vice President Tobin, of the International Brotherhood of Blacksmiths and Helpers made the charges, which were supported and later elaborated upon, by a dozen trade union executives, who urged the board to exercise caution so as to prevent employers from intimidating workers into submitting to unjust working conditions under the threat of having their industrial exemption from the draft revoked by the district board.

Vice President Tobin said that when employes of the steel company protested against conditions, officials told the men they could "either take it or leave it." They made it clear to the protesting men, however, that by leaving the company's employ all rights to industrial exemption would be forfeited.

Charges that unfair advantage is being taken of the draft law by industrial corporations was not confined alone to the Midvale and Baldwin plants. The shipbuilding companies on the Delaware River also came in for sharp criticism. They were accused of banding together to "blacklist" workers and prevent them from leaving their places of employment.

UNIONIST IS MAYOR.

Memphis, Tenn. - As the result of ouster proceedings, Mayor T. C. AshHe croft was compelled to resign. was succeeded by Harry Litty, a wellknown trade unionist.

MY WORD.

"I simply can't understand it," complained the Englishman who was stopping at a hotel in a town in a prohibition State.

"Can't understand what?" asked the hotel clerk.

"Why, my friends informed me that this was a dry town, but it has rained steadily ever since I came here," replied the Englishman.

CORRESPONDENCE

NEW YORK.

JOHN BARLEYCORN'S FUNERAL. To the Editor:

At

Sometime during this blessed night John Barleycorn, alias Gin, Rum, Whisky and Brandy, must die, and may he be a long time dead, not only during the war but forever after. A sober and earnest Congress has condemned John and no one can save him, we trust. To-night in their gin factories no known distiller will do anything but cuss and growl. midnight, quietly and safely, Sir John will be planted, let us hope, for keeps. The war has done some good at least. The mash in the stills is the last to ferment this blessed summer; all its previous productions are to be kept in bond for the sick. To-night as the sun goes down the giddy and the gay, all but the wicked rich, will bid goodbye to whisky's cheer. The bells, if there be bells, will ring in the dry and wring out the wets.

There is supposed to be about three gallons of booze for each person in this blessed land of ours at the present moment. These few drops will be sold at prices to make the rich grumble and the fool poor to howl and weep with rage. A high price to the regular booze fighter may be 25 cents a drink; my price would be $25 a drink. One year's time would make whisky so scarce, that is, if everybody took one drink each week day, that even the prohibitionists would be satisfied. There are people, however, decent, orderly, sensible people, who would positively refuse to take one drink each week day, but the regular gin fighter can be depended upon to see it through. No one should be forced against his will to drink. Here the conscientious ob

jector should be respected. If an I. W. W.-but this is impossible, they all drink, not only on week days but Sundays as well. It has been estimated by some one who seems to know, or who is trying to keep up our courage, that if there is only one fearless combatant in thirty of population, fifteen drinks a day will exhaust the stuff in a couple of years. This would lead one to figure that there are about 3,333,000 regular campaigners in America, that is men who drink not only once but often, as often as they can get it. What a pity that there are so many fools in Americt.

We do not know that John has left any directions for his funeral, but we suppose So. The National Liquor League of the United States is quiet enough at present, but it is interested in John's affairs and believes that he will soon throw off his grave clothes and stalk abroad once more. If I had my way John would remain buried so long that nobody this side of Judgment Day would see his face again.

John Barleycorn's distilleries close down to-night, but this will not take the saloon out of politics. The liquor interests will still extend over the municipal government from the City Hall to the newly appointed policemen. Under our form of government, if not under all forms of government, money is a large factor in political affairs. Vast sums are in the hands of men whose motives have become morally degenrate. Writers who have made a close study of this question tell us that the profits and the political necessities of the saloons are greater than those of the public service corporations. Political appoint ments are influenced, vice protected and votes are bought. These facts are so tediously trite that we hesitate to

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the club steward in a prosperous condition, and for this reason should be disbanded for the benefit of the club members, their families, and the community in general. No decent and self-respecting workman can hope to secure the social enjoyments he longs for while so large a share of his time and his earnings goes for drink.

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No one need be a crank or an extremist, unreasonable or crazy to oppose the saloon. I am writing against it because I believe it is an injury and curse to mankind in general and to workmen in particular. I know that its claims are false and where it thrives everything else, that is decent, withers. John Adams, second President of the United States and a native of Massachusetts, where SO much that is good originated and originates, wrote as follows:

"Like so many boxes of Pandora, dramshops are hourly scattering plagues of every kind-natural, moral and political. The worst effect of all, and which ought to make every man, who has the least sense of his privilege, tremble, these houses are become in many places the nurseries of our legislators. I think it would be well worth the attention of our Legislature to confine the number and revive the character of licensed houses, lest that impiety and profaneness, that abandoned intemperance and prodigality, that impudence and brawling temper, which the abominable nurseries daily propagate should arrive at last to a degree of strength that even the Legislature will not be able to control."

This was written some time ago, about 1765, and should be considered the opinion of a man at least reasonably bright and sane. Another individual named Thomas Jefferson, sometimes referred to as a Democrat, said: "The habit of using ardent spirits by men in office has оссаsioned more injury to the public and more trouble to me than all other sources. And were I to commence my administration again the first question I would ask respecting a

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Scientists tell you there is no such thing as luck; that all things are but the effects of some cause, but if you cannot find the cause, and you are the victim or beneficiary of the effect, what then? But scientists calmly tell you because you cannot determine the cause, does not prove in the least there is no cause, and does not in the least alter the general law of cause and effect.

But after all there is some little residue of superstition in most of us, and there is scarcely a man, woman or child who has not had some experience which is credited to "luck," something which the lucky or luckless are certain in their own minds could never be satisfactorily explained through any law of cause and effect-something enshrouded in mys

tery.

You are never convinced the man who missed the train that was wrecked, that he was not lucky? Nor can you convince the man who changed his mind about buying the stock in some "bubble" that burst the next day, that there was not something mysterious in his sudden determination in the face of general opinion to the contrary. Napoleon is credited with a disbelief in luck, but he knew well that "luck" cuts a large figure in a battle. In his own life he certainly must have seen that the unforeseen anld accidental played a large part; gave him the opportunity to display his knowledge and genius; and that when he was what we call

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