TH

HE newly formed National party, the result of a coalition of various social and political reform groups, presents a platform which is in some ways unique and possesses many features of interest to the student of political affairs.

In the first place, the platform is wholly constructive; it is affirmative throughout. There is not a single word of protest, of denunciation or destructive criticism. This is quite unusual in political party platforms, and especially in the platforms of radical minor parties.

The arrangement of the platform is also unique. It is perhaps the most scientifically constructed document ever issued as a platform by an American political party. It is divided into three parts, each of which is logically dependent upon the other. A brief preamble states “Our aim is the attainment of democracy in government, and in industry, and in our international relations." In conformity with this aim, part one of the platform is given up to measures necessary for the realization of political democracy; part two to measures designed to democratize industry; and part three to the heretofore almost neglected field of democracy in international relations.

Under the first of these divisions we find the usual demand for woman suffrage together with some other suffrage reforms not heretofore regarded as good material for political platform building. There is a strong plank demanding the "enforcement of the laws which give the right to vote to American citizens of negro descent." This demand is accompanied by a further demand that there be a special effort made to fit negroes and others to vote intelligently by means of federal aid to common school education, to the end that illiteracy may be abolished. Another demand is for the "restoration of self-government to the District of Columbia, and of the electoral franchise to its citizens, male and female." Finally, under the head of suffrage there is a demand for "the abolition of all property qualifications for the franchise or for election to public office.”

The new party stands for the initiative, referendum and recall, with adequate safeguards against their abuse." For state and municipal elections it favors the short ballot and a greatly increased centralization of responsibility," this to be coupled with the right to recall elected officials as a safeguard against possible abuse of power." It advocates proportional representation in all departments of government.

There is a strong plank favoring the executive budget in municipal, state and national governments. This reform has not before been regarded as of sufficient importance to be included in a political party platform, but the platform of the National party clearly indicates that careful and serious students of our municipal problems had a hand in the making of it.

Other political reforms of interest and far-reaching

importance advocated are the amendment of our election laws in such a manner as will make it possible for qualified voters, absent from their homes, to vote by affidavit, wherever they may be, and the establishment of cabinet responsibility. This latter reform means that the members of the President's cabinet are to have seats in congress but without votes, and be subject to direct interrogation by the members of congress. By this method it is hoped to make the government departments immediately responsible to the elected representatives of the people.

Under the head of industrial democracy the following planks are of special interest to students of municipal problems:

Public Ownership. Public ownership, operation and democratic control of steam and electric railroads, shipping, telegraph and telephone systems, coal and metal mines, water-power, natural gas and oil wells, light and power plants, timber lands, terminal warehouses and elevators, packing plants and flour mills, and all other public utilities and basic industries which depend on franchises, or require large scale operation on a noncompetitive or centralized basis.

Municipal Ownership. Municipal ownership, operation and democratic control of all public utilities, and all services essentially monopolistic in nature.

Democratic Taxation. (a) The gradual and progressive transfer of taxes from improvements and all products of labor to land values, so as to break up land monopoly and to increase opportunities for production. (b) Rapidly progressive taxation of incomes and inheritances, with heavier rates on incomes from investments than from personal services.

The platform makes a strong appeal to farmers and wage-earners. The agrarian program is substantially that of the farmers' Non-Partisan League, and the labor program is substantially that of the American Federation of Labor. The new features are planks in each of these sections of the platform demanding direct governmental assistance to co-operative producing and trading associations. The theory is that the government should give assistance to farmers' co-operatives as a means of stimulating agricultural production and stabilizing the industry, and to the co-operative producing and trading associations established by working people throughout the nation, "to the end that the workers of the nation may be increasingly enabled to control the economic conditions of their own lives."

The new party is seeking to build up a large membership of people who agree to pay an annual membership fee of one dollar or more. It has already provided for five separate divisional headquarters in as many sections of the country, and proposes to carry on an aggressive agitation and to participate in the forthcoming congressional elections.

S

ENATOR Henry M. Sage is best known throughout the State as the efficient chairman of the senate finance committee. Those men intimately acquainted with him in the senate at Albany know him as a genial friend and tireless worker, loyal to the best interests of the State. Senator Sage since the war began, however, has made for himself a new reputation as one of the leading men in diligently promoting the Red Cross and all war relief activities. There are many loyal men and women in New York State giving generously of their time and money to war philanthropies, but the best of them will be willing to accord to Senator Sage unusual ability as an organizer and one who can inspire enthusiasm in others for patriotic ends. He was chairman of the first Red Cross drive in Albany county, the success of which was due largely to his efforts. When it was decided to institute the war chest plan and thus include in one grand campaign all of the approved war relief activities, Senator Sage was made director general of the campaign in the city of Albany. Not only was he among the top notch contributors with $15,000 to his credit, but gave unstintingly of his time from early morning until late at night during the three

weeks' strenuous drive. The war chest committee set out to raise $750,000 and ended in getting more than $1,000,000. The most gratifying feature of the campaign was not so much the amount raised as the great increase in the number of contributors. Whereas in the first Red Cross campaign there were 9,000 Albanians who

pledged money, in the later one more than 60,000 of the 110,000 population became contributors. It is generally conceded by his energetic and enthusiastic assistants that Senator Sage's generalship was of a character that inspired the achievement of this wonderful result.

The war chest plan which in Albany took the place of the separate campaigns for Red Cross, Y. M. C. A., Knights of Columbus and other war relief measures has been found an unqualified success in that city. This success was due in a large degree to the thorougness with which it was laid out and the inspiration imparted by Senator Sage and his corps of lieutenants.

Senator Sage, as chairman of the Senate finance committee, has come to be known as the legislator who is not afraid to proclaim his belief that the State should spend more money for what are conceded to be the big things in the government at Albany.

The organization known as the New York State conference of mayors and other city officials is specially designed to promote the interests of the municipalities of the State. This union of city officials has already accomplished much in the way of furthering desired laws at Albany and defeating others opposed by people residing in urban communities. This summary by Mr. Capes of what was done during the last session indicates the value to the cities of the organization of which he is secretary.EDITOR.

T

HE New York legislature at its recent session enacted practically no important constructive municipal laws, although many appeals were made by the cities for relief. It did, however, listen with three exceptions, to their pleas to defeat bills that were detrimental to municipal interests. The cities had to fight, and fight hard, to keep out of the slough of enforced retrogression, and, although their aggressiveness was as virile as ever, practically no legislation marking a forward step in municipal work was placed on the statute books.

The most important work done by the legislature for the cities was that amending the election law so that the increases in election expenses will not be so large as they would have been had no changes in the law been made. The New York State conference of mayors and other city officials suggested to the legislature six changes in the election law. Five of these were accepted and incorporated in bills that are now laws. As a result cities will not be compelled to increase their number of voting machines, may reduce the cost of providing election places, and will not have to provide so many election districts and pay so many election officials as the old law with the

increased number of voters would have made necessary.

The legislature also accepted the conference's proposed solution of the problem many cities faced as a result of the loss of revenue from excise taxes. The bill drafted by the conference's committee on municipal finances, assisted by the State comptroller's office, and introduced by Senator Robinson is now a law. Another bill was drafted by the State comptroller's office at the request of and with the co-operation of the conference. This gives cities authority under certain restrictions to pay the expenses of officials to municipal conventions. These laws solve two very perplexing municipal problems.

Among the measures before the legislature were three that were very objectionable to the cities: first, the Brown so-called home rule constitutional amendment; second, the measure which, if enacted, would have given private corporations control of the surplus canal waters for the next 75 years, which control might have had a serious effect on electric light and power rates in the cities, and third, the much discussed bill making it possible for street surface railway companies to raise their urban fares from 5 to 6 cents irrespective of franchise restrictions, statutes or contracts. The conference, acting for the cities of the state, fought these three measures single-handed and defeated them. Two were beaten in the assembly and the surplus water bill was vetoed by the governor.

Unsuccessful efforts were made by the cities to have enacted into laws the following bills, which were proposed by committees of the conferences.

bills affecting the cities generally. These

Two amendments to the public service commissions law which if enacted into laws would have made rate fixing more equitable and would have given to the consumers the same rights and privileges which the corporations now enjoy.

affecting New York City. Of the special bills 39 did not pass the legislature. Among these disapprovals were several flagrant violations of the principle of home rule, which the legislature the legislature - when it serves its purpose pretends to hold so sacred.

Ninety-three of the 146 bills affecting

PAYEE

W

HAT are the functions of the fiscal supervisor of the State charities? This question is often asked, perhaps because

the activities of that important office are not as frequently discussed in the newspapers as many of the other departments of the State govern

in part by the State, were placed under the supervision of the State comptroller, by statute, with a design to bring them under a practical and uniform system of supervision and audit. Subsequently the number of institutions gradually increased and statutes were passed amplifying the work and extending an estimate and accounting system until the detail contingent with their supervision became so cumbersome that the State comptroller asked the legislature to relieve him of the burden then imposed upon him in the bureau of charitable institutions. This

resulted in the placing upon the statutes the creative law of the fiscal supervisor of State charities. chapter 252, laws of 1902, which provided for an official whose duties covered the supervision of all fiscal matters relating to those institutions which before had been under the jurisdiction of the bureau

of charitable institutions, or which, afterward, might be placed under the supervision of this new office.

Personal visitation brings this important official in close personal touch with the institutions' needs to the end that his recommendations, when made to the legislature for such appropriations as he deems necessary, must carry such conviction as only that direct contact with the institutions' respective requirements, and good business principles, can furnish. Some idea of the necessity for close business methods may be obtained when it is considered that between thirty and forty thousand items are passed upon in the estimate system of these institutions. The range of items involves everything that an institution uses from a needle to a steamboat