Maryland's law was known as "The compulsory work law," was passed at a special session of the legislature and went into effect August 20, 1917. As stated it provided that all idlers in the state must go to work and a bureau to enforce the law was created with George A. Mahone, a lawyer of Baltimore, who had been in charge of the federal employment bureau in Baltimore, as director in charge. All idlers were required to register with this bureau. Failure to register entailed a fine of $50 or a jail sentence. If the registrant failed to accept the employment assigned him by the bureau he became subject to a fine of $500 or be imprisoned six months or both. When it is mentioned that in Maryland, where the penalty does not include a jail sentence or a fine in excess of $50, no jury trial is allowed under the law and no appeal can be taken from the decision, it may be conceded that the compulsory work law is drastic. There is no way to escape the penalty for not registering other than a writ of habeas corpus or a writ of certiorari. Charles B. Barnes, director of employment bureau State industrial commission In signing the law, Governor Whitman expressed the opinion that there might be a doubt as to its constitutionality-presumably as to compelling those to work at a listed "useful occupation" when they possess ample income for their own support - but he thought the ultimate purpose of the law so meritorious as to warrant his approval, leaving to those affected the task of testing in the courts its constitutionality or unconstitutionality. It may be noted in passing that the idler cannot refuse employment to which he may be assigned by the State industrial commission because it does not pay the wages he thinks he is worth or should receive. All he can demand is that the wages paid are those ordinarily paid for that occupation-in other words, the prevailing rate of wages for that occupation in that particular locality. How has the Maryland law worked in its less than a year of operation? Up to November 1, 1917, there had been 695 voluntary registrations and 124 involuntary- brought about by arrest. Of these 562 were assigned to work. Many secured employment voluntarily and of those assigned on the date referred to, 209 had not been heard from. If they do not continue in employment for any reason they must at once reregister for assignment to new work. Allegany county's state's attorney says: "I can assure you that ever since this law has gone into effect in this county there have been few cases of idleness, in fact all the idlers have gone to work." There is another angle to the crusade against idleness that is, a possible decrease in crime. In the city of Baltimore, in July, 1917, there were 5,059 arrests; in September, 1917-after the work law had gone into effect there were 4,596 arrests and in October there were only 3,690 arrests. Magistrate Joseph R. Ranft of Baltimore is credited with saying that "the compulsory work law is to be credited with the betterment of conditions, as well as the work of George A. Mahone in charge of the bureau, in seeing that loafers and criminals are now employed." State than Maryland. Where Maryland has but one metropolitan city, New York has three of the first class, three times as many of the second class, and something like twoscore cities of the third class. Until the law has been tested out, figures as to reduction in idleness, effect upon crime, etc., are but estimates and problematical. It will be interesting, however, to note in the future. whether Maryland's experience in one respect is duplicated in New York. All of the 124 arrests for failure to register were of rural idlers, but the absence of arrests in Baltimore is explained that where the police rounded up an idler he was at once given the option of signing a registration card then and there or being arrested and, apparently, Of course, New York is a much larger the Baltimore idlers took the former option. MR. DOOLEY READS STATE SERVICE Begorrah," said Mr. Dooley, "here's a new one, Hinnissey. This felly Elon R. Brown's th' bye for puttin' 'em over. We have altogether too much,' sez he, 'riotchus wastin' uv th' peepul's money,' sez he, on this tomfoolery uv findin' out th' peepul's moind,' sez he, 'on the quistion uv candydates,' sez he. Why shud th peepul be permitthed,' sez he, ' to indulge th' dangherous habit,' sez he, 'uv spindin' their money in ginoowine self gover'mint? We need deliberathive leadership,' sez he, 'hand picked in th' smoke an' th' beer-stench,' sez he, uv thrue pr-rivate deliberation wid th' gas thrust an' th' booze thrust an' th' sthreet railway magnets, an' all thim other'r aaposthles uv th' peepul's good,' sez he, 'an' they'll fur-rnish us wid legislathors an' gov'ners an' nivver-r char-rge us a cint,' Hinnessey, sez he not till afther they're in office,' sez he. An' mark me, Hinnissey! He rumbled it solemnly out in th' name uv pathriotism an' th' winnin' uv th' war." "Ain't there gr-raft enough in army conthracts as it is t' suit 'im?" asked Hennessey. 'Tisn't that, Hinnissey," continued Mr. Dooley. "It's th' gr-reat hear-rt uv th' mon - his imposin' daysire to lick th' Kaiser. I'm willin,' sez he, 't' give up th' last right th' voters has,' sez he, for the preser-rvation,' sez he, uv th great pr-rinciples uv dimmocracy,' sez he. 'I'm willin',' sez he, 't' resthore and re-finance,' sez he, ivery broken boss in th' gr-reat State uv Noo York,' if only be th' doin' uv it we kin lick Kaiser Bill an' ma-ake the wor-rald safe for dimmocracy,' sez he. There's a pathriot for ye, Hinnissey." An' so pure an' disinth'rested," said Hennessey. Indeed that, Hinnissey," replied Mr. Dooley "His motives is as clear as can be. 'Only let the bosses run th' gover'mint agin,' sez he, an' this glor-yus an' free peepul can quit foolin' wid pollythics,' sez he, 'an' dayvote all their innergies,' sez he, 't' payin' incr-reased taxes an' stoppin' th' bullets uv th' Kaiser,' sez he, and if that wouldn't win the war, Hinnissey, what would? Can ye tell me that?" “It sounds too good to be thrue," said Hinnissey. It is," said Mr. Dooley. "Its source ought to have convinced ye of that long ago." WAR-TIME PHILOSOPHY The following rather clever article was written somewhere in France" and is receiving much attention in America: "Of two things, one is certain: Either you're mobilzed or you're not mobilized. If you're not mobilized, there is no need to worry; if you are mobilized, of two things, one is certain: Either you're behind the lines or you're at the front. If you're behind the lines there is no need to worry; if you're at the front, of two things, one is certain: Either you're resting in a safe place or you're exposed to danger. "If you're resting in a safe place there is no need to worry; if you're exposed to danger, of two things, one is certain: Either you're wounded or you're not wounded. If you're not wounded there is no need to worry; if you are wounded, of two things, one is certain: Either you're wounded seriously or you're wounded slightly. "If you're wounded slightly there is no need to worry; if you're wounded seriously, of two things, one is certain: Either you recover or you die. "If you recover there is no need to worry; if you die you can't worry." WHAT KIND OF LAWS WOMEN VOTERS MAKE Interesting and significant summary of measures enacted in the suffrage statesDifferent political viewpoint from men- Many changes on statute books are observable BY SENATOR WILLIAM H. HILL Senator William H. Hill, of the Binghamton district, has for years been an advocate of woman suffrage. He fought for it in the legislature until the constitutional amendment granting the right to women was approved by the voters last November. He has made a study of what has been achieved through the influence of women voters in those states where suffrage has been in operation for years. This article is the result of that investigation, indicating what may be expected in New York State after women have been exercising the franchise here long enough to make an impression upon the legislature.EDITOR. William H. Hill T HE effect of the woman vote on legislation in the states where women have voted is of special interest to the people of New York, where women for the first time exercise the suffrage this year. How will our women vote? The subject is one upon which definite conclusions are difficult. This is true for several reasons, notable among them are (1) because it is impossible to gain an accurate and comprehensive historical perspective after such a short period of years as most of the states afford and (2) because the influence or effect of the women's vote is but one of a number of social forces which make for legislative results or form part of the state. Historical students have always maintained that the results of no social movement could be interpreted in its true light until the effects had been balanced and established Wyoming and Wyoming being a small rural state has been held by many as not to have many of the conditions typical of our states in the eastern and so not dealing with the same problems and conditions for legislative development. Colorado has been longer in the field longer in the field coming in in 1893, a period of twenty-five years ago - and furnishing a sufficient number of centres of population to enable us to use it as a comparison to our eastern states and put it on the same basis of social progress and reform- has had to bear the brunt of the investigations and consequently we have more definite information and available data than in any other suffrage state. The other states which have come in during the later years while in some cases, notably California, present excellent fields for fruitful investigation and research have not yet been dealt with in such a scientific form as Colorado so we are not able to trace out so clearly what has come about as the result of the general reform of social standards and what has been the result of the woman's viewpoint in political life. I think that the most practical way of dealing with these legislative accomplishments is to divide them under topical heads and in a general way to sum up what the different suffrage states have done along each line. I. WOMEN AND CHILDREN by its correct historical perspective covering Wyoming, the first suffrage state, dating a period of fifty years or more. None of the suffrage states come within the period of the fifty years except from 1869, presents a most creditable list of laws which bear the impress of women's influence and are as follows: Women have absolute power over their own property Equal guardianship of the children by mother and father. Equal pay for men and women teachers. Age of protection for girls is 18. Unlawful to give or sell liquor or tobacco to children. Mothers' pension law. Colorado, 1893 Equal guardianship of mothers and fathers over the children. Age of protection of girls, 18. Establishment of juvenile court law making parents responsible for the offenses of delinquent children when they have by neglect or any other cause contributed to such delinquency. Law providing that a homestead cannot be mortgaged or sold without a wife's signature. Mothers' pension law. Eight-hour law for women. Mothers' pension. Juvenile court law. California 1911 Mothers' pension law. Minimum wage law, creating a commission to investigate the conditions of industry of women and children and power to determine wage rates, etc. Wyoming Establishment of kindergartens and State industrial schools. Colorado Compulsory education law of 1899. Utah Establishment of free public libraries in cities and towns. Establishment of courses of free lectures at the capital on sanitary science, hygiene and nursing. Providing medical examination of school California children. Idaho Establishment of industrial schools. Washington Providing that schools be used as social center. California Creation of State humane society. California Regulation of milk industry. Roberts law forbidding the destruction of any foodstuffs fit for human consumption. Tuberculosis law, providing reporting of all such cases. The foregoing is not a complete list of all the laws with which women in these states have been identified or have supported since their enfranchisement in the different states, but I have tried to point out briefly a number of representative laws in each state, to show the nature of the women voters activities. In passing over these laws, there are two which seem to me to stand out as being quite universal in the suffrage states and which in particular appeal to me as being beneficial legislation mothers' pension law and juvenile court law; the first of these, of course, as it is in many ways parallel to my own widows' pension bill known as the HillMcCue bill in this State. For more than half a century the subject Provision of a public defender for poor of juvenile delinquency has been a theme persons in criminal cases. Kansas of discussion for social workers and reformers. The result of all this discussion led to Provision that prisoner's wages be paid to changes in the law and the attitude of the wife and children. IV. PROTECTION OF THE HOME INTERESTS Wyoming Making gambling illegal. authorities in dealing with juvenile offenders. The changes represent the inception of what is now known as the juvenile court movement. The beginning of the development of the juvenile court system in Colorado in 1899 Making pure food laws conform with started in a crude way, and has since been national law. Utah Providing sanitary inspection of slaughter houses and other places where food stuffs are prepared. Idaho Provision for inspection and regulation of places where foods and drugs are prepared. modified as the various problems have presented themselves for the application of this law. This first law was in reality only an incorporation of the various phases of legislation on this problem of the delinquent child, as, e. g., probation, separation of the child's courts from the adults, etc.- all of which laws existed in different states as individual attempts to meet this question. |