six years added another million, and by 1912 over 2,500,000 names were on the books, one-eleventh being those of women. This rapid growth was due to many causes. The German worker was an easy man to organize, and feil readily into his place as a member of a political or industrial body. Socialism, with its gospel of class-consciousness and the class struggle, created a favourable atmosphere, which was kept clear and keen by the many socialist and trade union newspapers. But the greatest cause of success lay in the system of organization and the thorough propaganda.

The Greater Unionism. It was in organization that Germany gave a lesson to the rest of the trade union world. In many lands one hears the demand for a few big unions, or for the merging of all into "one big union." Germany alone came near that "greater unionism." In 1912 the 3,000,000 unionists of the United Kingdom were organized in over 1,100 unions. In 1919 the 628,000 unionists of the Commonwealth were enrolled in 394 bodies. In Germany the number of socialist unions never exceeded 66 (1906), and in 1914 stood at 47. Of these, the metal workers' organization had 550,000 members, the builders 326,000, while five others had over 100,000 members each.

The reasons for this solidarity are easy to find. In the first place, the teachings of Social Democracy created a strong sense of class solidarity, and taught wage-earners that the engineer, the bricklayer, the carpenter, the labourer, and the unskilled worker were all akin, in spite of differences in skill and pay. Narrow sectional unions were unable to live in this atmosphere, and although the idea of class solidarity was not carried to its logical conclusion of one big union, the number of bodies was kept as small as possible, and all were linked up in a powerful federation, the General Commission of Trades Unions. Secondly, the socialist unions grew from the centre outwards into the various districts, while in England and Australia local unions were formed which gradually felt their way towards a state or federal centre. The German growth was therefore completely influenced by the aims and methods of the central authorities, with the result that a uniform policy was adhered to. Thirdly, the strong opposition which the unions had to face compelled them to make their organization as strong as possible. They recognized that their fighting forces were much more formidable in 47 big armies than in 1,000 small ones.

Under the influence of these forces there was a persistent tendency towards amalgamation of kindred unions. In 1909, for instance, the umbrella makers joined in with the woodworkers; the dockers, seamen, and transport workers amalgamated. Every class of metal worker, skilled or unskilled, was in one big union; the builders' union included all but the carpenters, who could not decide whether they should go in with the builders or the woodworkers; the transport workers' union embraced porters, dockers, warehousemen, cabmen, taxi-drivers and conductors, window-cleaners, etc. The immediate aim was thus industrial unionism.

Each of these big bodies was organized in districts and craft sections. In order to prevent any numerically strong section of the union from exerting too great power, a delicate system of checks and balances existed. For instance, the metal workers were divided into 26 craft sections, according to the character of the work done. One of these sections-e.g., labourers -might be much larger than any of the others, and its vote might dominate the affairs of the union. To prevent this each craft section, whether large

or small, was given one representative on the district council, while each district council elected one member to the central executive.

Union Activity. The energies of German unionism were absorbed in the usual kind of trade union duties. The work was clearly marked off from that of the political socialist movement, although the political and industrial leaders often conferred on matters of common interest. Better wages, shorter hours, improved working conditions, these were the demands which the unionists made to the employers. But before there could be negotiations on such matters there must be recognition of the unions by the employers. This was long in coming. German employers talked about "free contract," and asserted their determination to be masters in their own house. True, their despotism might be benevolent, and the provision of pension, benefit, and holiday funds, the building of canteens and workmen's dwellings, the institution of milk depots, etc., all revealed alike the philanthropic and the patriarchal outlook of the employer. To a patriarch, a union official is anathema, and as the German employers realized the growing strength of unionism they banded for a counter-attack in strong employers' unions. They refused to negotiate difficulties with the men's representatives, and when necessary declared war. The lock-out was the favourite weapon, and was used frequently with occasional success. In 1910, for instance, there were 1,385 offensive strikes to secure better conditions, 839 defensive strikes to oppose reduced wages or increased hours, and 970 lock-outs. From 1900 to 1910 there were 2,760 lock-outs, some of which aimed frankly at smashing the unions or exhausting their funds.

Against such opponents the unions had to proceed with extreme caution. The central executives kept themselves well informed about movements on the other side, and judged shrewdly when to fight and when to be quiet. No strike could begin without the consent of the central body, but once the consent had been given the officials threw themselves whole-heartedly into the task. There were many defeats, but many victories also. Further, after 1906 some employers abandoned their hostile attitude, and collective bargaining grew in popularity. For instance, in 1910 there were 9,690 ́ ́movements,'' which secured reduced hours for 1,300,000 people and increased wages for 800,000. Of these 9,690 two-thirds were settled without any stoppage of work, only 3,200 going to the length of a strike or lock-out. Thanks to such efforts, the wages level was being generally increased before the war, while the hours of labour, which at one time were 12 or more a day, were reducd to 10 or even less. The objective was an eight-hour day.

In addition to purely industrial work, most of the unions offered friendly society benefits as well, and in normal years much more money was disbursed in this way than in dispute pay. But the most interesting feature of the German unions was the stress which they placed on education and propaganda. In each big city large buildings, were erected, containing not merely offices and meeting halls, but restaurants, lodging accommodation, baths, libraries, classrooms, etc. Throughout the country there were in 1912 70 such buildings; that in Berlin cost £100,000 to erect. Most branches possessed a lending library. In 1912 £16,000 was spent on libraries, and in 1910 £4,000 was devoted to providing lectures on all manner of subjects, ranging from trade union history to the philosophy of Kant. Officials were expected to be well-trained men, and the General Commission therefore ran a trade union school at Berlin, at which a six weeks' course of intensive study was provided in economics, trade union history, theory and practice,

insurance laws, industrial hygiene, and the trust movement. The General Commission also had a department of social politics, which prepared material relating to social legislation, and supplied it to politicians, journalists, and students. Great care was given to the compiling of union statistics, and in 1910 there were 112 full-time and 203 part-time legal advice offices, established to give advice and practical help to employees in disputes with employers or in cases affecting insurance claims. Nearly every union issued a trade journal weekly, or even more frequently, and these, along with the 70 Socialist daily papers, helped to keep members well informed on all new developments. Propaganda was a big item of expenditure, £150,000 being spent in this work in 1910.

Since 1914. The war found German unionism bracing itself for a fierce encounter with capital and probably with the state, but by Christmas, 1914, all that was forgotten. Many unionists, both leaders and rank and filə, were theoretical internationalists, but when the war was described to them as an unprovoked attack on the Fatherland such theories went overboard. The leaders, such as Legien and Bauer, sided with the majority of the Social Democratic Party, and in word and deed threw their full weight on the side of the government. The administrative machinery was placed at the state's disposal for coping with distress and labour dislocation; the union press did useful propaganda, especially in attacking Liebknecht and the Minority Socialists; union officers co-operated closely with the War Department to administer the scheme for industrial conscription of civilians established in November, 1916. All this activity was justified by the arguments that the German working-class really did care for the Fatherland: that the war was a purely defensive one, forced on Germany by the French desire for revenge, the British jealousy of German commercial expansion, and the Czarist lust for territory; that defeat meant misery, and that only by victory could German trade unionists enjoy that prosperity which came from easy access to the world's markets. A drastic censorship kept the other side of the story out of the way.

The membership of the unions suffered severely, and by the end of 1916 there were less than 1,000,000 members in the "free" unions. Then came a marked recovery, with 1,250,000 by December, 1917, of whom over one-quarter were women. In 1918 defeat and disillusion descended on Germany, and produced the Revolution of November 9. That revolution was begun by the sailors, who were soon joined by the soldiers and later by the wage-earners. Each of these three sections established councils, following the lead of the Russian Soviets, and for a few days all power, political, economic, naval and military, lay in the hands of these councils, with a National Congress of Councils and a Cabinet of Commissaries at the centre. Autocracy had gone, and sovietism seemed destined to take its place. But soon the tide turned. The "old gang” in the trade union world—Legien and the rest-were at one with the Majority Social Democrats in desiring an ordinary parliamentary democratic constitution, and hence the councils were soon persuaded to hand over their power to a government and legislature selected on orthodox democratic lines, whilst the revolutionary councils were ignored or repressed. Many workmen regarded this as a betrayal of the revolution, and supported the Independent Socialists, who desired a combination of parliament and councils, or the Communists (the Spartacus group) who wished all government to be in the hands of the councils. Much blood was shed before the government won the day.

K

Out of the events since the Armistice trade unionism has come with many scars and some gains. Its ranks are torn on the question of soviet versus democratic rule: many of its members have been made subjects of Poland, France, or Belgium: unemployment, famine, and war-weariness have left their mark. At the same time ground has been gained at some points. In the height of the November revolution, German employers, fearing expropriation, accepted the old union demand for an eight-hour day and agreed to the establishment of what are in effect Whitley councils to deal with wages, welfare, and other industrial conditions. When the constitution was being framed, unsuccessful attempts were made to give the workers' councils an important part in the government of the country. Finally, full right of association "with the object of guaranteeing and improving conditions of work and of employment' was secured "to all individuals and all professions,' " and employers and employed were to co-operate on a basis of equality in regulating wage and work conditions and in furthering the general economic development of the country. For this purpose employers and employees were each ordered to organize (1) works councils, (2) district councils, and (3) a central council. The two, sides were to meet in District Economic Councils and a Central Economic Council to deal with industrial matters generally, including the administration of socialized industries, and the initiation or consideration of bills "on social and economic questions of fundamental importance. In January, 1920, a law was passed detailing the character and powers of the workers' councils. How these constitutional provisions will work remains to be seen. The unions have grown enormously in size: that of the metal workers in 1919 had over 1,350,000 members, and the 54 "free" unions totalled 6,400,000 members in September, 1919. Most of the new members are young men, back from the trenches, soured and revolutionary in outlook. In their hands German unionism may go on the path that leads to Moscow. Unionism elsewhere in Europe. The trade union movement in France, a million strong in 1912, is so involved in the story of syndicalism that consideration of it must be deferred to a later stage (Chapter XXIV).

The Austrian story resembles that of Germany, with socialist, Christian, yellow and national unions, and with the socialist bodies by far the strongest. Racial questions, such as the desire of the Bohemians for self-government, and the clash between Germans, Poles, Italians, Slavs, etc., all created complications and retarded progress. War, peace, famine, and depression have overshadowed life since 1914. In Hungary the wage-earners were still struggling in 1914 for the right of association. Railway servants and miners were expressly forbidden to join unions, but here as in Germany they did so, enrolling under a number instead of by name. In spite of obstacles, progress was made and useful results obtained. After the Armistice many unionists adopted the Bolshevik faith, and helped Bela Kun to run his short-lived communist republic in 1919. When red gave place to white they paid a heavy price for their part in the venture, and a "'white terror" which ensued was so brutal that the International Federation of Trade Unions called upon the Allied governments to intervene, and upon organized labour to boycott Hungary. In the Scandinavian countries labour organization has grown fitfully during the last thirty years, but employers' unions have been so strong as to make it possible to beat the employees at many points. A general strike in Sweden in 1909 was a complete failure, and the attacks upon unionism and socialism have been fierce and frequent.

Italy, still largely agricultural, has built up strong unions of land labourers. The urban workers have been attracted in large numbers to the syndicalist creed, and the movement generally, both political and industrial, has been divided in its allegiance between socialism and syndicalism, with bitter recrimination between the two sections. Many unions have for years past endeavoured to establish their own productive works, or have taken contracts for the construction of public utilities, etc. (See Chapter XXVII.) By 1920 Italian labour had become aggressive, and in the summer of that year several important factories in the north of Italy were seized and held for a time by the operatives. This outburst ended in the provision by the state for a great measure of workers' control over the industries affected. In Slavonic countries, especially Russia, unionism had to face the repressive policy of the state and the employer, and organizations therefore grew up and acted as secret societies. In Russia the unions were almost entirely revolutionary socialist in policy, and played no small part in the revolution outbreak of 1905 and the two revolutions of 1917. In Spain organized labour has had to meet similar persecution, which culminated in 1910 in an attack by the police and the army, the imprisonment of the union leaders, and the seizure of the offices and books. Since that time unionists have passed over rapidly into the socialist or syndicalist camp; their demands have brought into being a powerful employers' association, which in 1920 decided upon a general lock-out of workmen throughout the whole country. Belgium before the war showed the idea of rival unions carried to ludicrous extremes. Catholic, Liberals, and Socialists, the three political parties, did not unite for any purpose whatever, and thus there existed socialist, Catholic and liberal unions, co-operative societies, friendly societies, etc. The tendency of working-class opinion was, however, towards the socialist unions, and this tendency has manifested itself again since 1918. In Belgium, as elsewhere, the post-war growth has been wonderful. In 1913 there were 129,000 unionists: in 1919 there were 614,000.

Books Kecommended. Cole, G. D. H., "The World of Labour''; “Labour Year Book," 1916; Dawson, W. H., "Evolution of Modern Germany, pp. 106-147; Sanders, W. S., "Trade Unionism in Germany'; Ogg, F. A., "Economic Development of Modern Europe," pp. 451-473; Young, G., "The New Germany''; Bevan, E., "German Social Democracy during the War'; Annual International Reports of Trade Union Movement, published by International Secretary of National Trade Union Centres.

(b) THE UNITED STATES.

The story of trade unionism in the United States is largely that of the American Federation of Labour, and of the unions, large or small, international or local, affiliated with it. In addition to these bodies some attention must be given to the railway brotherhoods, the romantic Knights of Labour, and the Industrial Workers of the World.

The

Beginnings. American unionism emerges about 1790, in the formation of local craft unions amongst the carpenters, printers, and tailors. gulf between employer and employee was appearing, the old customary and legal conditions of industrial regulation were breaking down, and attempts were being made to employ men who had not served the traditional period of apprenticeship. New York had a strike in 1802, and in 1821 the employment of a non-unionist, described at that date as a rat, caused a