verified them. Still, we will say, that when such men as Mr. Calhoun must give way to your Van Burens, it is a sure sign that "something is rotten in Denmark." It proves, that we have reached that critical period in the life of republics, when men of the first order of talents, genius, and moral worth, highminded, patriotic, and accomplished statesmen, can no longer be elected to offices of the highest trust, but must give way to second and third rate men, who, instead of giving tone, character, and direction to party, are but too proud to lose themselves in its irresponsibleness, and to be its mere "hired servants." It shows that a lust for office and its spoils has taken the place of civic virtue, and that party managers have ceased to aim at the good of the country, and have come to consult only their own ambition and selfishness.

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Mr. Calhoun is sacrificed for his integrity, firmness, and energy of character; because party managers know perfectly well, that, if elected President, he would administer the government, not for their private benefit, but with sole reference to justice and the public good. Here is the secret of their hostility. Why, in fact, should they support him? What have they to hope from him, a strong-minded, energetic, self-willed man, who would die, sooner that swerve from his own abstractions for either friend or foe? We elect such a man for President? Preposterous! We want no visionary theorist, no abstractionist, no impracticable, who will hear no counsel but his own convictions, and is above taking the advice of his friends. No; give us a man of practical good sense, one who is able to adapt himself to circumstances, and who does not disdain to consult his friends, and to adopt the policy which they may judge, upon the whole, to be most advisable. So they turn to the "Sage of Lindenwold," a man of easy virtue, no abstractionist, and possessing no convictions or principles in the way of his friends and supporters.

Now, this is a fearful state of things, and threatens the most fatal consequences. Our friends write us from

different sections of the country, not to despair, for the corruption has not reached the great mass of the people. Gladly would we believe them; but corruption has extended much further than 'to the mere party leaders themselves; for if it had not, these leaders would have little influence, and few followers. The great mass of the younger and more active portion of the party, are, in reality, office-seekers, and do support the party for the sake of the reward. They are afraid to take a firm and manly stand against corruption, lest they be read out of the party, that is, debarred from all chance. of obtaining a share of the plunder, for this is all that reading out of the party means. Doubtless, the chief corruption attaches to the managers; doubtless, if the managers were honest, high-minded, patriotic citizens and statesmen, the rank and file of the party would go right, and, most likely, even prefer to go right; still, the great body of the party, we fear, want the virtue to withstand the corrupting influence of the leaders. We have never met a man who would tell us that he really liked Mr. Van Buren, or thought him the best man in the country for President. The resolutions of various caucuses, declaring Mr. Van Buren to be their first choice, only mean that they think Mr. Van Buren stands the best chance of getting the nomination, and that they prefer to be found the friends of the successful candidate. We cannot, therefore, exonerate the great body of the party from all blame; we readily agree that the party would go right, if their leaders. would suffer them; but they have not the virtue to go right in spite of their leaders.

But, be all this as it may, the friends of Mr. Calhoun having unwisely withdrawn his name, and, though protesting against the principle on which the Baltimore. Convention is to be organized, having left it to be inferred that they will, for this time, support its nominee, - and for this time being all that the friends of Mr. Van Buren care for, there can be no doubt that Mr. Van Buren will be nominated. We had hoped it would be otherwise; but we can hope no longer. The

question, then, comes up seriously, What are we to do? What is the duty of that portion of the Republican party who are still attached to the Constitution, and are not yet prepared to abandon altogether the old fashioned civic virtues? The contest is to be, unquestionably, between Lindenwold and Ashland. What is our duty in regard to such contest ?

In 1840, we supported Mr. Van Buren, - though he has done us the honor of ascribing to us personally the principal share in his defeat, for then we regarded the contest as one of principle. In Mr. Van Buren personally, we never had much confidence; but circumstances made it necessary either to support him, or to abandon our principles. The party rallied on the true republican ground, and threw out the old flag of Constitutionalism and State Rights. No portion of the troops did better service in that campaign, than those who had been previously enrolled in the States Rights party. We forgot the injuries we had received from, Mr. Van Buren; we forgot all the wrongs we and our country had suffered, the moment we saw a prospect open of bringing the government back to the principles of the Constitution, and of putting it on the right track. But the party were, as we all know, defeated. Those among us, who had supported the party for the sake of principle, not for the sake of the spoils, regretted this result; but we were not discouraged. knew that principles never die; and, though they may fail of success, they cannot be defeated. We rallied anew, and, almost instantly, recovered all the ground that had been lost. But our principles all pointed to Mr. Calhoun as the representative of the party, and as the only man in the country, who, at the head of the government, would have the requisite firmness and energy of character to carry them out thoroughly in the administration. So long as we adhered to principles, so long as we stood on the true republican ground, no other man, in the very nature of things, could be our candidate for the Presidency.

We

But the sudden successes of the party in the State

elections of 1841, and the disappointment and chagrin of the Whig party, in place but not in power, revived the hopes of the old spoilsmen, and flattered them with the hope of again succeeding. But the success of the party with Mr. Calhoun, would be no success for them. They must succeed, if at all, under some chief whom they could use. Mr. Van Buren was their man, and the only man they could bring forward successfully against Mr. Calhoun; but to be able to bring him forward, they must abandon the avowed principles of the party, and make success of party take the place of success of principle. They commenced their game by attempting, as much as possible, to obliterate the lines. of party difference; the tariff was under revision, and the Van Buren presses told us that it must not be made a party question, that we wanted a tariff for revenue, a judicious tariff protecting alike all interests, &c. Lindenwold visits, and tarries long at, Ashland. "Ashland, you and I have always been good friends; our differences, you know, have been only political. We have always been ready to do each other a good turn, when in our power. You see how it is. Webster is in your way, and Calhoun is in mine. Let us understand each other. I wish to be President, and will be, if my party is in the majority; if I cannot be President, there is no man I should be so happy to see President as yourself." "Lindenwold, you are a man after my own heart. I mean to be President; I have staked all on this last chance; but if I lose, only you shall win." On which, our two friends shake hands, and bid each other adieu au revoir. Since then, the friends of each have acted in concert, whenever it has concerned the crucifixion of a man in either's way. A Whig Club decided, that our own article against Mr. Van Buren ought to be hushed up as much as possible, for, if spread out before the public, it might endanger Mr. Van Buren's nomination. Mr. Van Buren himself, in a recent letter to a committee somewhere in Pennsylvania, which had addressed him, virtually avows the understanding we have supposed, and, very coolly, tells the Democratic party, that

it must run him for the Presidency, if it does not wish to stand disgraced in the eyes of the world. Whig presses treat Mr. Van Buren with great tenderness.

But we go further, and demand, in what respect the effective policy of the government under Mr. Van Buren will differ from what it would be under Mr. Clay?" Mr. Van Buren is Anti-Bank." We deny it, save so far as concerns the United States Bank. There is not one particle of evidence to be adduced, that Mr. Van Buren is opposed to the banking system of the country; and a national bank is now an "obsolete idea," and none will be established even under Mr. Clay. Yet, a national bank, if you will treat bank notes as money, is not the greatest of evils. "Mr. Van Buren is opposed to the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands, among the States." Doubted; for the project originated with him and his political friends; but the wants of the government will prevent the execution of the policy even should Mr. Clay be President.

"But Mr. Van Buren is in favor of the divorce of the fiscal concerns of the government from all connexion with the banks and the business of banking." We have no evidence of this fact. The sub-treasury, as proposed by Mr. Van Buren, and as executed by his officers, was the veriest mockery of legislation. It will be recollected that he recommended the measure without the specie clause, and that it passed the Senate, where his friends were in the majority, without that clause. The Republican party demand the divorce, and Mr. Van Buren meekly submits to the demand. "Will you grant us the divorce?" Yes. Let there be a sub-treasury, and the revenues of the government be kept by government officers. "What! Mr. Van Buren," say the banks, "are you agoing to grant the divorce?" No. Let the revenues be collected and disbursed in bank notes. Admirable! The yes will satisfy the people who clamor for a divorce; the no will satisfy the banks, for they will still have the deposits as before, for a bank note is only a certificate of a deposit to its amount in favor of the holder. The