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aim at these objects, and only at these, as a power to maintain its authority and sway, inasmuch as nothing else will answer its purposes. As a consequence, it will follow, that freedom consists in keeping all commercial values in the hands and under the control of those to whom they rightfully belong.

The truth of a principle, and the perfection of a definition, are alike demonstrated by their application to all conditions and phases of the subject. Herein is proved the truth of the principle which lies at the foundation of the argument of this chapter. It is not denied, that there are various attributes of freedom, passing under denominations, which do not directly suggest this principle, and which may even apparently lead to the conclusion, that freedom consists in something else; but it will be found that this something else, in all its parts and ramifications, is reducible to this basis, and rests upon it. A people never did, and never would complain of despotism, and a political revolution can not be found in all history, except for an unjust deprivation of commercial rights. There are, indeed, numerous other forms, in which, as results, despotism is made manifest; and these are not unnaturally taken as the fundamental evils, whereas they are only consequences. The first abatements of an absolute despotism, such as may be found in history, and which has extended to power over life, without responsibility, have been the lopping off of its branches; and the reformation has gradually continued, till, in modern times, both in Europe and America—especially, as we think, in the latter—an approximation has been made to the root of the difficulty, to the very foundation. Scarcely in any part of the civilized world, are men now familiar with the cutting off of heads, at the arbitrary nod of a despot. Constitutional governments, and laws enacted by them, prevail extensively, and are constantly gaining ground. In the United States, in Great Britain, in France, and in other parts of Europe, the cause of freedom has made such progress, that the care of men is not for their heads, but for their purses, for their commercial values; and what now remains, in some of these countries, is a proper adjustment of a system of taxation, and a security of the chances of commercial acquisitions. This is the great question of the age, and demonstrates, that it is the last, as well as the fundamental question, in the progress of freedom. The inequalities in the burdens of society, as they bear on commercial rights, are yet vast, and vastly complicated; and they are too often vastly greater than they ought to be-than is consistent with freedom.



A Restatement of the Object of this Work, and of the great Error of the Economists.-The Theme of this Chapter important as a Starting Point in the General Argument-The Instinctive Policy of a Parent State toward Remote Dependencies, fatal to the End in View.-Such was the Policy of Great Britain toward her North American Colonies.--A Review of that Policy.-The Doctrines of Joshua Gee-Their Influence on Parliament and the Board of Trade.-Acts of Opposition and Wrong Provoked the Revolution.— Declaration of Independence-Commercial Values, as the Fruits of Labor, the Occasion of the Contest-The Position of the Free-Trade Economists as to the Elements of this Controversy. They were forced to justify Wrong--The Wrong a Commercial one.The Aim of the Revolution was to break down the Old, and to establish a New System of Public Economy, that is, a Protective System -The Struggle was based on the Principle of Mine and Thine, as it determines Commercial Rights.-A Protective System of Society the great Object in this Country from the First-The great Movement from Europe to America was and is for this.-The Confederation a Rope of Sand-A Protective System the great Object of the Federal Constitution-One of the first Acts of the new Congress was to establish a Protective System-Documentary Evidence for Fifty Years, that Protection was the Uniform Policy of the Country.-The Cause of Apostacy from this Ancient Faith.

We wish it to be observed, throughout this work, that we are writing on public economy for the United States, and not for the family of nations, nor for any other nation. We have, in the foregoing pages, particularly in the second chapter, distinctly and emphatically repudiated the idea, that it is possible to adapt a system of public economy to all nations, or even to any two, and we have endeavored to show, that the errors of Free-Trade economists have necessarily been fatal, by attempting to form a general system. By over-grasping ambition, or some other kindred propensity, in putting their screws on all the world, they have broken their machinery, and done injury to the subject; in essaying to do too much, they have spoiled the whole. Had they been content to study and lay down rules for their respective commonwealths, they would have found enough to do, and might have done it well; but, in reaching out their arms, to take in all the world, they seem to us to have fallen into the sea, for lack of ability for so great an enterprise; or rather, to have failed, because it was impossible in the nature of the subject, and in the nature of things, to execute such a plan. Though there are common principles, there can not be a common system, in its great, essential, and most important

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parts; and the parts which can not be made common, are those he which are most vital to each of the great parties concerned.


A more minute review of the occasion of the American revolution, and of the aims of American independence, which are neces- one sarily and frequently alluded to, in the progress of this work, and d which have been somewhat dwelt upon already, is fundamental to the great inquiry in which we are engaged, and will cast more light on the general subject, than any other things in history, to which we could direct our attention, as starting points.


It is hardly necessary to say, that the occasion of the American revolution, was a denial and deprivation of rights, and the imposition and infliction of wrongs. It seems to be a natural, if not a necessary policy of a home government, to increase the dependence of remote and colonial branches of itself, in proportion to the increase of their importance, and of their ability to gain independence; and in that way ultimately to precipitate the event apprehended. It was soon discovered by British statesmen, that their American colonies had all the elements of gigantic power, and that to be retained, they must be ruled with a discipline corresponding with the danger of losing them. Accordingly, this policy is found to date back to the earliest history of the colonies, and consisted chiefly in the plan to confine the colonists to agriculture-to the production of raw materials-to prohibit them from engaging in commerce, and to force them to purchase of the mother-country such articles of manufacture and of the mechanic arts as they might want. Joshua Gee seems to have been one of the oracles most relied upon for political doctrines, in the treatment of the American colonies, of which the following extracts from him are specimens: "That manufactures in American colonies should be discouraged or prohibited."-"We ought always to keep a watchful eye over our colonies, to restrain them from setting up any of the manufactures that are carried on in Great Britain; and any such attempts should be crushed in the beginning. For if they are suffered to grow up to maturity, it will be difficult to suppress them. Our colonies are much in the same state Ireland was in, when they began the woollen manufactory; and as their numbers increase, will fall upon manufactures for clothing themselves, if due care be not taken."" If we examine into the circumstances of the inhabitants of our plantations, and our own, it will appear, that not one fourth part of their own products redounds to their own profit; for out of all that comes here, they only carry back clothing, and other accommoda


tions for their families, all of which is of the merchandise and manufacture of this kingdom."-" New England, and the northern colonies have not commodities and products enough to send us in return for purchasing their necessary clothing, but are under very great difficulties; and therefore any ordinary sort sells with them. And when they have grown out of fashion with us, they are newfashioned enough there."

This corresponds with the following facts collected from Pitkin's Statistical View: In 1699, the British parliament prohibited the colonies from exporting wool, yarn, or woollen fabrics, and from carrying them coastwise from one colony or place to another. In 1719, parliament declared, that the erection of manufactories in the colonies, tended to lessen their dependence on the mother-country. This declaration, and subsequent legislation on the subject, were in consequence of memorials from British merchants and manufacturers, who complained that the colonies were carrying on trade, and erecting manufactories. The subject continued to be agitated, and, in 1731, the board of trade were instructed to inquire as to the colonial laws made to encourage manufactures; as to manufactures set up; and as to the trade carried on in the colonies; and to report thereon. Accordingly, in 1732, the board reported, that Massachusetts had passed a law to encourage manufactures; that the people of New York, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Maryland, had fallen into the manufacture of woollen and linen for the use of their own families; and of flax and hemp in coarse bags and halters—all which, they said, interfered with the rights and profits of British manufacturers and merchants. The board of trade, therefore, recommended, that the minds of the people of those colonies should be immediately diverted, and a stop be put to these practices, or they would be extended. The same year parliament prohibited the exportation of hats from the colonies, and trading in them from one colony to another, by ships, carts, or horses. No hatter was allowed to set up business, who had not served seven years; nor to have more than two apprentices; and no black person was allowed to work at the trade. Iron mills for slitting and rolling, and plating-forges, were prohibited, under a penalty of five hundred pounds. This system of prohibition and restriction continued to increase, against both manufactures and commerce, and in proportion as the people manifested a disposition to supply their own wants, new and more vexatious modes were invented, and applied with increased rigor, and under heavier penalties, to prevent

them. till finally, as the colonies waxed great and strong, and serious apprehensions began to be felt that they would outgrow the ability of the mother-country to keep them in subjection, the right of taxation to furnish the means of maintaining this power over them, was asserted, without allowing the correlative right of representation. Hence the rising of the people, and the declaration of independence which was followed, after a seven years' war, with its acknowledgment. During the debates in parliament, on the rights of the colonies, Lord Chatham said, "he would not have the Americans make a hob-nail." Another noble lord added, 66 nor a razor to shave their beards."

By these and similar facts, with which the history of that period abounds, it is easy to see what was the occasion of the American revolution. It will, perhaps, be more fully illustrated by the following extracts from the Declaration of Independence:

"He [the king] has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good" [particularly laws for the encouragement of home manufactures, etc.]; . "he has refused to pass other laws, unless the people would relinquish the right of representation; he has dissolved representative houses, repeatedly, for opposing, with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people ;".."he has endeavored to prevent the population of these states;" . ."he has made judges dependent on his will;".." he has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers, to harass our people, and eat out their substance; he has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the consent of our legislatures; he has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the civil power;".." he has cut off our trade with all parts of the world; he has imposed taxes on us, without our consent;" etc..." In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress, in the most humble terms. Our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury;" etc.

As all rights, in a system of civil polity, established on a politcal platform, which are of importance to claim, are of a commercial nature, positively or constructively, directly or indirectly, as shown in the preceding chapter; that is, the right to be our own, to have our own, and to use our own, without abatement, restraint, or control, except by laws equally important to all the members of the commonwealth, in which all have a voice; it will follow, from a consideration of the subjects of grievance, as above briefly and com

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