enough left to tear my knife from the man I had stabbed, and my living foe was fresh and vigorous.

But he had another enemy whom he had not counted upon.

I

Suddenly I saw his face contract with agony, some unseen force was dragging him downward. He disappeared. felt my horse rear. I heard a dull crushing sound, a deep groan, and all was still.

I was safe, my life was preserved by my horse, who had seized the Indian with his teeth, by the middle of his back, thrown him down, and trampled on him. For the next few minutes I remained almost stupefied with fatigue upon my horse's back. From this state I was aroused by the gruff voice of Mike Alison

"Well, Pat, so you're alive still, are you? It has been a lively time, hasn't it ? Much hurt?"

I looked up at him, wondering at the coolness of his tone and manner. His face looked ghastly by the light of the moon, now at its brightest, and one arm hung, evidently broken, at his side. But he was as cool and unconcerned as if he had been merely driving cattle for an evening's amusement.

Oh! Mike," I exclaimed, is it over yet? Have we beaten them? Are the women safe? Have-❞

"Stop," interrupted Mike," one thing at a time—" Yes, it is over, for the present anyhow; and what redskins are left alive are makin' tracks fur their reservations a deal faster than they came out o' them, I guess. Yes the women are safe, lad, thank God. But get off yer horse and lay down for a spell, you need the rest, and I'll tell you all about it. You see, when we left you behind to watch fur the skunks as they ran from the first shock of our charge, we went round to the opposite side of the cañon where there is space fur fifteen or twenty men to ride in abreast. But before we went for 'em, I scouted round till I spotted the tents where I knew the women would be. I was in an almighty scare lest they might be hurt before we reached them. But I found it all quiet. The Indians had not finished the whiskey yet. Then I crept back to the boys, mounted, gave the whistle-which I dessay you heard-and we piled in.

NEW SERIES.-VOL. XXXVII., No. 6

"I, Tom Stockton, and Luke Remington struck a bee-line for the tents, the boys following. I got to 'em first, and throwin' open the flap of the biggest one, I shouted to the women inside that we had come to save them, but they must keep quite still, and on no account

come out.

66

But, Lord bless you ! the pore critters could no more keep in than fly. I'm a hard cuss, Pat, there ain't many mean things I haven't done, but it a'most brought tears into my eyes, to see the joy with which we were welcomed. And that fool Luke fairly blubbered. Some on 'em threw their arms round us and hugged us, some fell on their knees and prayed God to bless us. I saw more gratitude in those five minutes than I ever saw before in my life. tainly, nothin' could have better fitted the boys fur the struggle that was to come than that. We bundled them in in a minute, however, and only just in time too, for in half a jif on the devils came.

66

Cer

'Ay! it was a rough time. But ye see the Indians were taken completely by surprise, and were shot from so many different directions at oncet, that fur all they knew we might be a hundred and fifty strong, instead of only twenty-five, and most of 'em struck south straight away. But those that stayed fought like hell, and I guess not many of the boys hev got off as easily as you an' me. More'n once I thought it was all up, but we tired 'em out at last..

There

"But let's come and lend the women a hand with the wounded, and mebbe they may have time to bind up my arm a bit. It does hurt considerable. I suppose it'll have to come off, worse luck. We walked slowly toward a little group of pines, in the midst of which was a patch of open ground, converted, for the time being, into a field-hospital. were the women, alive and well, thank God, doing what they could to relieve the wounded men, who were heroically making light of their sufferings, or bearing them in grim silence. Dearly did we pay for our revenge, successful though it was. Ten men killed outright, five died before morning, six were disabled so seriously that they were never again fit for active service. Only four, among whom was myself, really recovered the effects of that terrible New

53

Year's Day. But an awful vengeance was wrought upon the Indians. During the ensuing week, the stockmen came down from the north and scoured the country far and wide, up to the very verge of the Indian territory, and it was calculated that only one of all the ferocious band that had for so long been the

terror of the country-side reached the reservations alive.

Not for many many years will northern New Mexico be troubled again by Indians. Such a lesson as they received in the winter of 1878 will not soon be forgotten.-Macmillan's Magazine.

THE decision lately taken by the new Cabinet in regard to the Orleanist princes, who were on active service in the French army, has not produced the excitement which was anticipated in some quarters among French officers. The placing of the names of the Dukes D'Aumale, De Chartres, and D'Alençon on the retired list was, it is now generally seen, an event of far less importance than the enemies of the Republic represented. Many French officers may be Legitimists, Orleanists, or Buonapartists; but they are soldiers first and politicians afterward. Their entire intelligence and energy are devoted to the reform of the national forces. Especially in the younger commanders of brigades, of regiments, and of battalions this love of the profession has taken deep root. They who, both as Frenchmen and as soldiers, suffered so deeply twelve years ago, have since had no other desire than to secure the fatherland and the army against a similar catastrophe. Thus it was that mahy of them first gave the Republic their undivided allegiance when they saw the sustained efforts which the majority of the members of the National Assembly were making to render the military reorganization complete. This, too, was the reason that caused so large a number of earnest and ambitious officers to range themselves on the side of Gambetta, who had become for them the living embodiment of patriotism. Thus General de Galliffet, a master of cavalry tactics, was indifferent to politics, and only became a personal friend of the great statesman on seeing the eagerness shown by him for all military reforms, and for any measure which was calculated to benefit France. 'You must indeed be

ambitious, General," said to him, a few months ago, a dowager of the old aristocracy, to dance such constant attendance upon the recognized leader of the Republican party, from whom your name, your title, your past life, and your official position ought to separate you.' You are right, Madame. I cannot disguise the fact that it is ambition which alone attracts me to this man." "Is it permitted to know the substance of your dreams?" "Certainly, Madame." "Confide to us, then, General, the object of your secret hopes ?" As you wish it, Madame, I will. My chief desire at present is that the French may one day be able to erect to me a statue in one of the squares of Strasbourg, opposite that which shall recall the memory of him who was the inspirer and the hero of the National Defence of 1871, not far from the monu.ment of Desaix, and near the statue of Kléber." In this reply the French officer of our day is drawn to the life. Experience of the action of the monarchical parties since 1871 has taught him that the welfare of France is bound up with the Republic. Exceptions there are, but this is the rule; and among the minority there is scarcely one who would use his position to attack the Republic by force. Yet the French officer is, perhaps, the only one in Europe who is not bound by any oath of fidelity to the power which gives him his commission. The Republic, while confirming him in all his prerogatives, has exacted from him no pledge.

What, then, has been the object of French military reformers during the last twelve years? Let me premise that the French army, faithfully reflecting the spirit of the nation, has no wish to at

tack any of its neighbors. France today only considers her own interests. The time for interventions is past. Well aware of her isolation, she has sought no alliance, but has simply placed before herself the probability of another Continental war, and the necessity of being prepared to resist any attack, were she assailed on two or more points of her frontiers. The object accordingly of the military reorganization has been the defence of French territory; and if some military leaders have looked beyond this, it is only because their duty compelled them to consider the case in which France, being attacked, should repel the invader and pursue him to his capital. This, then, was the aim, and in order to attain it without delay it was necessary to proceed at the same time to reorganize the personnel of the army, and to recreate the military stores, etc.; for not only the matériel, but also the soldiers themselves seemed to have disappeared in the cataclysm of 1870-71. We will now indicate the measures taken.

I.

There are still some soldiers-and these not the least able-in France as elsewhere, who refuse to admit that the number of the combatants is one of the chief elements in determining the issue of a campaign. They base their opinion upon the indisputable fact that quality is more important than quantity, and cite historical instances of important victories won by a handful of disciplined soldiers over a horde of barbarians. But the analogy is misleading; for all Continental armies being to-day recruited in the same manner, all having nearly the same organization, the same arms, the same technical instruction, the one which on the battle-field is numeri

cally superior will most likely be victorious. The last word will always belong to the largest battalions, said Napoleon I., and what was true at the beginning of this century has become to-day a truism. Accordingly, in 1871, Frenchmen-the most thoughtful men of the nation included-unanimously demanded compulsory and universal military service. The first duty of the citizen in a free country is personally to aid in its defence, and the obligation is especially binding where the country is exposed to invasion. The recognition of this duty guided the drawing up of the Army Bill, which became law on the 27th of July, 1872. By this measure every citizen capable of bearing arms is compelled to serve during twenty years in the army. As soon as the youth has completed his twentieth year his term of service begins, or more correctly, it begins on the 1st of July afterward, and ends on the 30th of June twenty years later. This term of years he passes as follow five years in the active army, four years in the active reserve, five years in the territorial army, six years in the territorial reserve.

In order to show the mechanism of the system, let us take for example the recruitment of 1873, the first which was carried out according to the new method. All the youths called to service in any one year are known under the name of "class," and these classes are distinguished one from the other by the date of the year in which the youths composing it fulfilled their twentieth year.

Accordingly the class of 1872 first entered on its term of service in 1873. Here are the dates of its passage through the different stages of the army until its final liberation. It remains

army is 1,923,000 men strong. This difference is due to various causes, but the larger number would at once be ready for mobilization. It must here be remarked that the enrolment and the liberation from service never take place at the legal time. Thus, the class of 1872, which was enrolled on the 1st of July, 1873, does not join the flag before the 15th of November following; and this same class, which ought to remain in the army till the 30th of June, 1878, was sent back home in October, 1877. Its service of five years was, therefore, in reality, reduced to a little less than four years. This, too, has been the case with all subsequent classes, and the projects for modifying the law which are now under discussion seek to limit the term of service to three full years. All men who are thus dismissed from the permanent before being incorporated into the active army, and all who are liberated from service before their term is ended, are included under the name of the disposable forces (disponibilité) of the active army; under which heading, too, come, after their one year of service, the old soldiers engaged under this condition, and those young men who, thanks to luck in the lottery, enjoy the privilege of only remaining one year with the flag.

The military authorities are exactly informed as to the full resources of the active army, which is much larger than it seems to be; for each year they hold a roll-call of the disposable forces and of those men who are exempted from service because of family needs, and of those in the auxiliary services. At the end of their five years the exempted and the auxiliaries, together with those who have been all, or nearly all, this time with the flag, pass into the active reserve, in which they are numbered for four years. Such men, however, as are fathers of four living children are exempted, and pass directly into the territorial army. The active reserve has no special organization, but it is portioned out into territorial districts among the various troops which are stationed in the region in which the men of the reserve have their homes. In time of peace the reserves have two periods of drill, each of four weeks' duration; that is, two classes of the reserve are each year

during twenty-eight days with the colors. Thus there are about 340,000 men who take part year by year in the drill, exercises, etc., of the permanent army, and the majority of them participate also in the great autumn manœuvres. The military authorities allow the men of the reserve some privileges; for instance, they are permitted to enter on their month's training a little sooner or a little later than the time fixed by the law; those indicated by the municipal authorities as being the indispensable supporters of indigent families are exempted from military training, as also are the men who were placed in the auxiliary service of the army. These are the only exemptions which are allowed. The rule is very strict, and its infraction severely punished.

The first line of the French army is accordingly made up of the permanent army, of the disposable forces, and of the reserve of the active army. These are distinct categories in times of peace, but unite to form one group in case of war. Behind this first line the territorial army, together with its reserve, is drawn up. The only difference between these two classes is that the men of the territorial army are compelled to train two weeks during the five years which they pass in this force, whereas the men of the territorial reserve during their six years of service are exempted from all training. The organization of the territorial army is nearly the same as that of the active army, and this organization is permanent, so that the soldiers of the territorial army are called up every two years for their training, and their mobilization would be as rapid and orderly as that of the active army. This consideration is of the first importance, for, although the very name given to the second line of defence indicates that it would in war be especially reserved to garrison fortresses and to occupy important strategical positions on French soil, it must not therefore be forgotten that the law of the 24th of July, 1872, authorizes the Government to group the territorial army in brigades, divisions, and army-corps destined to accompany the corresponding divisions of the active army. Besides, it is no secret that certain infantry battalions of the territorial army, which have their quarters near the

eastern frontier, would march in the first line with the infantry of the active army stationed in the same district. Praise is due to the enthusiasm and zeal shown by the soldiers of the territorial army. Like the reserves, they submit, without sign of resistance, to all the inconveniences entailed by the trainings. The whole system has now become a matter of habit to Frenchmen. All know that a Republican Government will not incur the hazards of war unless the very existence of the fatherland is threatened; all know that the order to march will only be given if France is threatened, and it is certain, when their patriotic enthusiasm, their respect for discipline, and their mature age are considered, that the soldiers of the territorial army, if wisely led and well commanded, must be the most formidable adversaries which an enemy has ever encountered.

II.

Now that the nature of the military duties incumbent upon each French citizen capable of bearing arms has been explained, it will be well to give the number of defenders with which the law of 1872 provides the country. Before the 15th of January in each year the mayors of the different communes draw up a recruiting-list of all the young men who have attained twenty years of age in the course of the previous year. The average annual number of these recruits is 300,000, which gives a proportion of eight recruits to every 1000 inhabitants -for France has a population of 37,000,ooo. A similar list is prepared in Algeria of all youths of French parentage and of all who have become naturalized French citizens; and it is now proposed to put the same principle in force in the other French colonies, but these further resources will not here be considered. The recruiting-lists of the communes are examined in the chief town of each canton, and the names are erased of those individuals who prove themselves to be foreigners, and of those who have been condemned in judicial penalties which render them unworthy of the honor of bearing arms. It is now suggested to amend the law in relation to these two classes. As regards foreigners, it is urged that such of them

and

as have found homes in France enjoy the protection of French laws, ought to discharge the same obligations as other French citizens. As regards those excluded from the army in consequence of a judicial sentence, it is proposed that they should be drafted into special disciplinary corps, and be stationed abroad. After these erasures have been made, generally to the number of 2000, those whose names stand on the lists draw lots to determine the conditions under which they shall enter the army. The force of the permanent army being 500,000 men, of whom 130,000 are made up of officers, or of volunteers, or of such as have re-enlisted, there only remain 370,000 places to be filled up by the recruits. Under these conditions it is not only impossible, that the recruits should remain five years, as required by the law, with the colors, but even when the term of service is reduced to four years it is impossible to find room for all recruits for this shorter period. Some conscripts, therefore, are kept with the colors only one year, and to determine who shall be so favored lots are drawn. The lottery then separates the recruits into two classes: 66 in every 100, or two thirds of the young soldiers, are required to serve the long term of four years; the remaining one third, or 33 per cent, have but one year of service. The first class is further divided, inasmuch as some men are detached from it in order to compose the infantry and artillery of the marines-these number about 4 in every 100 recruits. So, supposing a commune ought to furnish 100 men, those who draw the numbers 1, 2, 3, 4 are drafted into the marines, in which service they remain nearly four years; the numbers from 4 to 66 serve this long term in the land army; the last 33 are incorporated in the land army for one year. After the lots are drawn a revisional council sits in order to examine whether the conscripts are fit for military service, and to decide upon the exemptions which shall be allowed. There is no complete exemption, either in peace or in war, save for such as are pronounced to be absolutely unfit for any service. Some 30,000 annually obtain this entire immunity.

In still another category are placed about 15,000 youths, who are declared