integrity of the party organization was protected by an enrollment made some time prior to the primary election, and means provided for purging the rolls of fraudulent names. The system has been in force for some years in the west, and for seven years in New York.

The chief opposition to direct primaries came from the political machines; fear of the destruction of their power prompting their action, while most of those advocating the change hoped thereby to defeat the machine, and thus capture the party organization.

Some bosses are wondering why they feared the law; and some reformers are wondering why they favored it. (Merriam on Primary Elections, page 132.)

The result has not justified either the fears of the one or the hopes of the other; the machine has, as before, won. The reason for this is not far to seek.

The machine is always organized, all its members and adherents are enrolled and always vote at the primary election.

With the nominations made at the direct primary, where every qualified elector has an opportunity to enroll and vote at the primary election, about which are thrown all the legal safeguards surrounding the general election, the machine's nominations go upon the official ballot with all sanction of the law. The machine's commands are made by the law the act of the whole party. There is placed upon the boss's work the approval of the law. The ticket nominated, though dictated by him, is not his handiwork, but the untrammelled choice of the whole party. It is no wonder the older school of politicians finds the situation incomprehensible. They are now dealing with an electorate composed of public school graduates; and they are as much at sea under the changed conditions as the politicians accustomed to the system of brute force were upon the advent of the corruption funds for carrying

elections.

The

Party ties now rest lightly upon men, and hereditary political affiliations are rare. appeal must be to men's reason or their own peculiar interest. This renders it easier for the owner of the political machine to control the primaries with his compact body of followers, always organized and disciplined, and with the limitations incident to the official ballot, to carry the election. He has nothing to fear from the official ballot, the official primary and the direct primary. The only political leader who is at all embarrassed by these is he who sells his nominations; the corrupt transaction cannot be kept secret, and his followers will not, as they should not, ratify the corrupt bargain.

The first indication of an awakening of the public to the limitations imposed by the official ballot came in 1913 and 1914, in the demand for a change in the direct primary law. Obedient to that demand, the committee designations were abolished, and all designations were by petition. Here again the machine had been aided; it is no longer necessary for the organization to place its ticket in the field first, thus affording the opposition opportunity to avail itself of its weakness, but the machine waits until the sixtieth minute of the eleventh hour before filing its designations. Already the complaint is heard that now the machine's action is not known until too late to defeat it. The one great check upon the machine is removed, with no corresponding gain. Nor is it more difficult to obtain signatures to the petition than to summon the committee, and conduct its proceedings in public and in compliance with the statute. Here again the official ballot confines the electors to the designees whose names appear upon the ballot. The opponent to the machine is longing for the freedom of choice afforded by the vest-pocket ballot, a freedom surrendered in order to obtain the official ballot.

And what is the gain?

The party has been legalized; the machine has been placed in undisputed possession of the party; the sanction of the law has been placed upon the machine's candidates.

The continued use for twenty-five years of the official ballot has probably insured its continuance, but the reformer must become reconciled to the rule of the machine. Through his efforts the machine's supremacy has been firmly established, and as a consequence the government is today conducted by the political machine.

It has long been recognized that any representative government is a party government, and that parties are necessary to the conduct of the government. Thus the result of it all is, that political activity must be directed through the machine, either from the inside by directing its policy, or by building a new machine, and defeating the old at a primary contest. This means giving to the subject the same attention now devoted to it by the successful leader or boss-leader if you are allied with the machine; boss, if opposed to it.

The machine cannot be defeated by hurling epithets at the men composing the machine, nor by indiscriminate charges of corruption or selfish and mercenary motives made against the successful politicians. In New York for fifteen years the official primary has been in operation, and every political leader now in control of an organization has won its leadership and control by a vote of the enrolled electors of his party. The successful contest of the opposition candidate for district attorney in the primaries in Kings county, and the opposition candidates for district attorney and congressmen, respectively, in the Republican primaries in Westchester county, in 1916, and the successful contest of William M. Bennett for the mayoralty nomination in the Republican primaries in New York city in 1917, demonstrate that it is possible for the enrolled members of the party to control the election, and

that when the machine has lost the confidence of the party, it can be defeated.

No form of human activity affords more genuine enjoyment than modern politics; it is the most fascinating game ever played. But the man who is unwilling to devote his time and energy to constructing a machine, or who is temperamentally incapable of working with the machine, must abstain from participating in party politics, beyond exercising his right of franchise. And if such a man does not enroll and vote at the primary and at the general election he is not a good citizen, and has no right to complain because of the results. The way is open to every citizen to voice his sentiments and exercise his influence in public affairs, but he must do it through the means provided. He must play the game according to the rules." So long as the official ballot is in use, he must voice those sentiments and exercise his influence, if he hopes to produce any effect, through and by and with the machine.

In order to avoid the evils of the viva voce voting the ballot was adopted. But this did not secure the secrecy of the franchise sought. Then came the official ballot which necessitated the recognition of political parties; and this in time required their regulation by statute. The freedom of the elector is destroyed by the limitations of the official ballot. Then followed the official primary with its official ballot and attendant limitations. Again new evils confronted the reformer, and the direct primary was adopted. Through it all the machine not only has survived, but has been legalized and strengthened.

This is the result of the official ballot.

A man stepped up to Henry Ward Beecher one day and said:

Sir, I am an evolutionist, and I want to discuss the question with you. I am also an annihilationist; I believe that when I die that will be the end of me."

"Thank goodness for that!" said Mr. Beecher, as he walked off and left the man dazed.

Growing out of the war emergency needs for Americanization through education and the demand for a "United America behind the firing line," a program has been adopted and partially enacted into legislation, approved by Governor Charles S. Whitman, himself an ardent advocate of unadulterated Americanism, and through his advocacy adequate provision has been made for training teachers and promoting the supervision of the work. By this provision and legislation, New York State was the first State to enter upon a broad and comprehensive program of immigrant education.

Briefly, this State policy of immigrant education seeks to carry out the work in co-operation with the United States bureau of education, which has announced a policy through the council of national defense and the State defense council. The latter has named the education department to be its arm for these Americanization activities.

This program seeks to enlarge, extend and stimulate the public school facilities, arouse the community spirit behind the war, interpret war measures to aliens, instil and promote a better attitude toward American ideals and ideas, mobilize the various Americanization agencies as represented in women's organizations, fraternal bodies, foreign societies and press, and altogether seek a" United America ".

A glance at the following statistics and data will indicate that New York has a sizable problem in immigrant education.

New York city has a total foreign-born population of 2,748,011, an increase of 44.4 per cent over that of 1900. The three nationalities most numerous are Russian, Italian and German.

Foreign-born males of voting age, 1,221,013; unnaturalized, 457,259. Only 41.1 per cent are naturalized, while ten years before 58 per cent were naturalized.

Foreign-born whites 10 years of age and over, 2,634,578; unable to speak English, 579,102; illiterates, 362,056. Of the 131,541 who were attending school, only 9,602 were over 21 years of age. In one city school district where 50 per cent of the population were foreign-born not one pupil was 21 years of age.

Amendments to the State education law passed in 1918 requires the board of each city to maintain free night schools. In all cities the State requires all persons between 16 and 21 years of age, who do not speak English, to attend schools until they have "such ability to speak, read and write the English language as is required for the

department, school superintendents, manufacturers, labor leaders, and the immigrants themselves, because they so frequently find that they are out of the range of "better things" and "don't know what it's all about." It is also the result of war emergency, the effort of a state to correct its past neglects of the immigrant, a condition in which the immigrant was left to shift for himself. Thus the "melting pot " failed to work.

We have here outlined the program of the State for the Americanization of the foreignborn "stranger within our gates"-Americanization through education. It remains for us to say that every loyal and patriotic American of native birth, has a job to do in this connection. The above attitude, too often expressed by the alien as a direct result of this neglect, must be changed if we are ever to have him "of us" instead of "with us."

The native American needs to be Americanized by a friendly attitude. We must do what we can to save him from exploitation, to interpret to him or her, the better part of America, the real America. Thus we shall be making of many peoples one nation, loyal and united.

Secretary Franklin K. Lane, in speaking to the recent Americanization conference in announcing his program, said this beautifully in the following words:

"What is it to be loyal to America? We are to preach Americanism. You are the prophets of a new day. You are the missionaries who are to go forth. What is the story of America? Is it told in the flag? The flag is but a symbol. It represents hopes and achievements and longings and fears, but the flag is not America. The story of America is not told by telling the story of the landing of the Pilgrim fathers,