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NOTES TO JEFFERSON

THE leading facts connected with the preparation and adoption of the Declaration have already been given. In every respect it is a remarkable document. It is methodical in its structure, consisting of (1) a formal introduction, (2) a statement of fundamental principles, (3) a striking array of facts, and (4) a practical conclusion. Its language is correct, clear, and strong. It is a powerful argument suffused with emotion. This latter element gives it the rhetorical form, which has been criticised as excessive. It was admirably suited to its purpose, and was at once accepted by the American people as a fitting and triumphant statement of their cause.

The Declaration had a happy effect upon the colonies. It gave them a definite object, and inspired a corresponding resolution and courage. Whether read to the army or to assemblies of the people, it aroused extraordinary enthusiasm. It was everywhere celebrated with festive gayeties and devout thanksgivings.

The originality of the document has unjustly been called into question. As we have seen in our study of Jefferson and of the Revolutionary period, the principles and facts it contains were a common possession of the colonial patriots. Its originality consists in its incomparable arrangement and statement of these facts and principles. Under the circumstances, no other originality was desirable or possible.

For two days prior to its adoption, the Declaration passed through a fiery ordeal of criticism. Not only every paragraph, but every sentence and every word, was subjected to searching and captious examination. Numerous expressions were changed; and the omissions amount to nearly one-third of the entire paper. Upon the whole, the result of this minute criticism was an almost faultless perfection of form. The Declaration, as given in the text, is the original draft prepared by Jefferson; and the notes are chiefly concerned with the changes introduced.

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When the Declaration was under discussion, Jefferson remained silent. As we have seen, he was not strong as a speaker. But who can doubt the intense interest with which he followed the discussion? According to his judgment, John Adams was the colossus in that debate." He fought "fearlessly for every word of it and with a power to which a mind masculine and impassioned in its conceptions a will of torrent-like force a heroism which only glared forth more luridly at the approach of danger - and a patriotism whose burning throb was rather akin to the feeling of a parent fighting over his offspring, than to the colder sentiment of tamer animals, lent resistless sway."

Jefferson was keenly sensitive to the attacks that were made upon the Declaration. During one of the debates, he was sitting by Franklin, who noticed that he was writhing a little under some acrimonious criticisms, and who comforted him with a characteristic anecdote. "I have made it a rule," said Franklin, "whenever in my power, to avoid becoming draughtsman of papers to be reviewed by a public body. I took my lesson from an incident which I will relate to you. When I was a journeyman printer, one of my companions, an apprentice hatter, having served out his time, was about to open shop for himself. His first concern was to have a handsome sign-board, with a proper inscription. He composed it in these words: 'John Thompson, Hatter, makes and sells hats for ready money,' with a figure of a hat subjoined; but he thought he would submit it to his friends for their amendments. The first he showed it to thought the word 'Hatter' tautologous, because followed by the words, 'makes hats,' which show he was a hatter. It was struck out. The next observed that the word 'makes' might as well be omitted, because his customers would not care who made the hats. If good and to their mind, they would buy, by whomsoever made. He struck it out. A third thought the words 'for ready money' were useless, as it was not the custom of the place to sell on credit. Everyone who purchased expected to pay. They were parted with, and the inscription now stood, 'John Thompson sells hats.' 'Sells hats!' says his next friend; 'why, nobody will expect you to give them away; what then is the use of that word?' It was stricken out, and 'hats' followed it, the rather as there was one painted on the board. So the inscription was reduced ultimately to 'John Thompson,' with the figure of a hat subjoined."

1. Decent

=

proper, becoming. From Latin decere, to be fitting or becoming, through the French.

2. Equal, not in intellect or body, nor in the circumstances of birth, but in civil freedom. The distinctions of master and slave, nobles and commons, kings and subjects, are not made by nature. They are artificial distinctions; and though answering a good purpose for a time, they are not permanent. This statement of the Declaration has often been misunderstood.

3. "Certain" was substituted for the words in brackets.

4. The words in brackets were struck out, with a perceptible gain in force. The phraseology is substantially the same as in "The Summary View of the Rights of British America." See sketch of Jefferson.

5. "Alter" was substituted, with a gain in clearness and precision.

6. Jefferson had written "his present majesty"; it was John Adams who suggested the wording of the text, which is an improvement.

7. "Repeated" was substituted, with a decided gain in precision.

8. The sentence in brackets was struck out, the phrase “all having" being inserted to retain the grammatical connection. There is a perceptible gain in brevity and force.

9. This last sentence was wisely omitted.

10. Omitted, with evident gain in precision.

II. "Obstructed” was inserted here, and “by" took the place of the following bracketed clause. There is a gain in precision, brevity, and force.

12. Omitted, at the suggestion of Franklin.

13. Omitted, with a gain in force.

14. Omitted.

15. "In many cases" was inserted after "us," in order to conform the statement exactly to the facts.

16. "Colonies" was substituted.

17. This phrase, “abolishing our most valuable laws,” was inserted by Franklin.

18. In place of the bracketed expression, the following was inserted: "by declaring us out of his protection and waging war against us." The improvement is obvious.

19. After "perfidy" was inserted: "scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally." In this case, the addition is a doubtful improvement.

20. Here was inserted: "excited domestic insurrection among us, and has." This addition takes the place of the following paragraph.

21. Omitted as redundant.

22. In his Autobiography Jefferson says: "The clause reprobating the enslaving the inhabitants of Africa was struck out in complaisance to South Carolina and Georgia, who had never attempted to restrain the importation of slaves, and who, on the contrary, still wished to continue it. Our Northern brethren also, I believe, felt a little tender under these censures: for though their people had very few slaves themselves, yet they had been pretty considerable carriers of them to others."

23. "Only" was inserted by Franklin.

24. Omitted, and the adjective "free" inserted before "people." Greater brevity and force are thus secured.

25. In place of "a" was substituted ". an unwarrantable"; and in place of "these our states," the pronoun "us."

26. Omitted.

27. After "we" insert "have."

28. In place of this phrase was inserted: "and we have conjured them by." 29. "Would inevitably" was substituted, with decided gain in force.

30. What is bracketed was omitted; before "acquiesce" was inserted, "We must therefore." In reference to this omission Jefferson says: "The pusillanimous idea that we had friends in England worth keeping terms with, still haunted the minds of many. For this reason, those passages which conveyed censures on the people of England were struck out, lest they should give them offence."

31. Omitted, and after "separation" was added: "and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends."

32. Here was inserted, as a decided improvement, the following: "colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved."

33. Here was inserted, "with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence."

VI

SELECTION FROM. HAMILTON

THE FEDERALIST

NUMBER I. INTRODUCTION

AFTER full experience of the insufficiency of the existing federal government,1 you 2 are invited to deliberate upon a new Constitution for the United States of America. The subject speaks its own importance; comprehending in its consequences nothing less than the existence of the UNION, the safety and welfare of the parts of which it is composed, the fate of an empire, in many respects, the most interesting in the world. It has been frequently remarked, that it seems to have been reserved to the people of this country to decide, by their conduct and example, the important question, whether societies of men are really capable or not, of establishing good government from reflection and choice, or whether they are forever destined to depend for their political constitutions, on accident and force. If there be any truth in the remark, the crisis at which we are arrived may, with propriety, be regarded as the period when that decision is to be made; and a wrong election 5 of the part we shall act may, in this view, deserve to be considered as the general misfortune of mankind.

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This idea, by adding the inducements of philanthropy to those of patriotism, will heighten the solicitude which all considerate and good men must feel for the event. Happy will it be if our choice should be directed by a judicious estimate of our true interests, uninfluenced by considerations foreign to the public good. But this is more ardently to be wished for, than seriously to be expected. The plan offered to our deliberation affects too many particular interests, innovates upon too many local institutions, not to involve in its discussion a variety of objects extraneous to its merits, and of views, passions and prejudices little favorable to the discovery of truth.8

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Among the most formidable of the obstacles 9 which the new Constitution will have to encounter, may readily be distinguished the

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