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tions Lexikon. (Stuttgart: Levy & Müller. 1911. Pp. viii, 559. 8 m.)
HANEY, L. H. History of economic thought; a critical account of the origin and development of the economic theories of the leading thinkers in the leading nations. (New York: Macmillan. 1911. Pp. xvii, 567. $2.00.)
To be reviewed.
HANISCH, G. Probleme der Volkswirtschaft. (Berlin: Puttkammer & Mühlbrecht. 1911. Pp. 171. 3.40 m.)
HOBSON, J. A. The science of wealth. (New York: Henry Holt & Co. 1911.
Home university library.
KINKEL, J. Die sozialökonomischen Grundlagen der Staats- und Wirtschaftslehren von Aristoteles. (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot. 1911. Pp. xvi, 146. 4 m.)
MAYER, H. Nationale Wirtschaftspolitik. (Stuttgart: J. B. Metzler. 1911. Pp. 31. 0.75 m.)
Volkswirtschaftliches Lesebuch zum Unterrichsgebrauch. Third edition. (Berlin: Carl Heymann. 1911. Pp. xii. 108. 1.25 m.)
MILLS, E. E. Scientific endowments versus increased taxation. (Bath: National Unity Press. Pp. viii, 127. 1s.)
Author suggests "new neighbourly devices for securing the juster distribution of wealth.”
MULLER, J. Abriss einer Geschichte der Theorie von den Produktionsfaktoren. (Jena: G. Fischer. 1911. 1.80 m.)
To be reviewed.
SODA, K. Die logische Natur der Wirtschaftsgesetze. Tübinger staatswissenschaftliche Abhandlungen, No. 17. (Stuttgart: F. Enke. 1911. Pp. xviii, 130. 5 m.)
SOMMERLAD, T. Wirtschaftsgeschichte und Gegenwart. (Leipzig: C. L. Hirschfeld. 1911. Pp. iii, 62. 1.80 m.)
SPANN, O. Die Haupttheorien der Volkswirtschaftslehre auf dogmengeschichtlicher Grundlage. (Leipzig: Quelle & Meyer. 1911. Pp. viii, 132. 1 m.)
STUCKI, A. Nationalökonomie.
Gemeinverständliche Einführung in die Elemente der Volkswirtschaft. (Bern: A. Francke. 1911. Pp. xii, 339. 2.80 m.)
VROOMAN, F. B. The new politics. (New York: Oxford University Press, American Branch. 1911. Pp. 800. $1.50.)
WULFSOHN, L. Grundriss der Wirtschaftskunde. Eine Lehr- und Lesebuck für denken Arbeiter. (Zurich: Buchhandlung des schweizischen Grütlivereins. 1911. Pp. 96. 0.80 m.)
Economic History and Geography
British Dominions: Their Present Commercial and Industrial Condition. A Series of General Reviews for Business Men and Students. Edited by W. J. ASHLEY. (New York: Longmans, Green and Company. Pp. xxviii, 276. $1.80.)
Nine lectures on economic conditions in Australia, New Zealand, Canada, South Africa and the West Indian Islands are comprised in this volume to which an introduction as valuable as any of the lectures has been written by Profesor Ashley. With one exception -Sir Edmund Walker's address to the shareholders of the Canadian Bank of Commerce at Toronto-the lectures were delivered under the auspices of the University of Birmingham during the winter of 1910-1911. Professor Ashley was fortunate in having at call men who could speak from first-hand knowledge. It is obvious that the course must have been a success; and the result as embodied in this volume is a noteworthy addition to the growing literature on the economics of the British oversea Dominions.
The order in which the lectures were given was: The Empire, by Mr. Alfred Lyttelton, who in the Balfour Administration of 1902-1905 succeeded Mr. Chamberlain as Colonial Secretary; Australia, by Sir George Reid and Sir Alfred Spicer, a paper manufacturer, who had recently been in the Commonwealth as a delegate to the Congress of the Chambers of Commerce of the Empire; New Zealand, by Mr. William Pember Reeves, now of the London School of Economics, but for many years Agent-General and later High Commissioner for New Zealand in London; South Africa, by Sir Walter Hely-Hutchinson, ex-Governor of Cape Colony, and Mr. Henry Birchbough, a director of the British South Africa Company, who was special trade commissioner in South Africa in 1903, and who is a member of the Chamberlain Tariff Commission; West Indies, by Sir Daniel Morris, of the West Indian Agricultural Department; and the Dominion of Canada, by Mr. W. L. Griffiths of the High Commissioner's Office in London, and by Sir Edmund Walker of Toronto.
The most readable of the papers is Sir Walter Hely-Hutchinson's description of British South Africa; but from the point of view of students of economics most value will attach to the lectures by Sir Albert Spicer, Mr. Pember Reeves, Mr. Birchbough and Sir Edmund Walker. Sir Albert Spicer's account of the working of the Australian railway system is from the point of view of a manu
facturer; while his general remarks show that as compared with Canada or South Africa or even New Zealand, Australia is becoming more and more a poor man's country-a country to which an immigrant with little capital can go with some expectation of not always remaining of the wage-earning class. This change in conditions in Australia is due to the gradual breaking up of the large estates, and the aid given by the government to men of character and energy who are willing to settle on the land. Mr. Birchbough's survey of commercial and industrial conditions in South Africa, which comes down to 1910, is the best short paper in print on the subject, and is particularly serviceable as regards conditions on the Rand and the relation of the mines to the trade of the whole of the country south of the Zambesi. Mr. Griffith's lecture on Canada is perhaps the least valuable of any in the series. Professor Ashley's introduction extends to fifteen pages all used to the best advantage; particularly where he describes the commercial links of Empire, such as the Imperial Intelligence Service and the Imperial Advisory Board on Commercial Affairs which have their centres at the Board of Trade at Whitehall.
Woman and Labor. By OLIVE SCHREINER. (New York: Fred
erick A. Stokes Company. 1911. Pp. 299. $1.25.)
This is one of those books which, by dealing with a topic of popular interest in a picturesque and positive manner, attract more attention than they would deserve for the actual light they throw upon the subjects in question. In the present instance, the "light" is that of a dark lantern flashed here and there, up and down the range of industrial history, to bring into view only such scenes as would substantiate the author's main thesis, which is, briefly, that "the changes which have taken place during the last centuries, and which we sum up under the compendious term modern civilization have tended to rob woman, not merely in part, but almost wholly, of the more valuable part of her ancient domain of productive and social labor; and, where there has not been a determined and conscious resistance on her part, have nowhere spontaneously tended to open out to her new and compensatory fields."
The woman of today, in other words, is in danger of becoming a "parasite," and it is the fear of future danger to the race and
not a desire for personal advantage which the author sees as the basis of the present unrest of women, and their struggle for wider opportunities. For, in her opinion, their efforts to secure these wider fields "almost of necessity and immediately lead to personal loss and renunciation."
A bare statement of this position shows how restricted is her view. In the readjustments of labor force incident to industrial development, she sees only cases of displacement of female labor and the extension of the field of male labor, and is quite blind to readjustments in which work taken from women in one form is handed back to them in another, or where actual displacements of male labor by female labor have been effected. In fact, she does not even seem to note the actual presence, enough to take it into serious account, of the great and growing army of working women, who are daily confuting her theories merely by existing.
She notes an increased productivity of industry which enables the maintenance of a dependent or "parasite" class of women; but she entirely fails to see that this surplus is in the hands of a relatively small class of the community, and that even there a standard of life, constantly rising, creates a strain on the surplus of any given moment which affords a stimulus to further labor, felt by the women as well as by the men.
It is to be hoped, however, that the general reader, who is the one most impressed by this book, and who cannot be expected to possess the critical apparatus necessary for the unravelling of all the economic and biological fallacies with which the book is crammed, may at least, on emerging from the thunderous torrent of Mrs. Schreiner's rhetoric, be brought to a wholesome sense of reality by the actual sight of what is going on in the busy world about him, and banish as a bad dream this vision of "parasites." KATE HOLLADAY CLAGHORN.
Tenement House Department, New York.
Die Industrie und der Statt. By HUGO BOETTGER. (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr. 1910. Pp. viii, 241. 3.20 m.)
This is a careful and valuable, although very brief, account of the industrial changes of the last half century in Germany with the effects of such changes on economic theory and on social and political life. The author is quite in sympathy with the best thought of the day in emphasizing the need of the state's taking
the social view, that is in protecting the common interest instead of the interest of any industrial or social group. He clearly recognizes, therefore, the need of strengthening the government in view of the growing complexity and increasing technical character of industrial life in order that the state may always be stronger than any corporation, syndicate, or other organization within the state.
He emphasizes one point which has been often discussed in the United States but has apparently heretofore attracted less attention in Germany than it has deserved; namely, that if the state is to keep pace with the increasing technical development it must have infused into its government very many more technically trained men than at present, and a sentiment must be developed that will give the technically trained public officials a greater influence than they now have. Every disinterested observer knows that the German administration has for generations been dominated almost completely by men trained chiefly in the law. Our author believes that the official class has been too much in sympathy with the nobility, which by tradition always tends to conservatism and usually to reaction. He bewails the lack of social and political knowledge among those in charge of the large industries, and pleads for a larger participation in politics on their part, though wisely repudiating the idea of a separate industrial party, for he well knows that such a party would not stand for the public welfare, but for the special interests of a class.
There seems to the reviewer a strange contradiction in the author's attitude towards social action and towards the Social Democratic Party (p. 236). He appreciates fully the necessity of doing many things demanded by that party, but at the same time decries anything that might strengthen that party: "Nur die Verpflichtung sollte allerdings der Staat anerkennen, dass er mit seinen sozialpolitischen Aktionen die Sozialdemocratie und ihre Organizationen nicht Stärken darf." Progressive states often have to meet some great public need without much regard to the strict party significance of their action.
On the whole this is the most careful and systematic presentation of the matters dealt with, that the reviewer has seen given within so short a compass.
JOHN H. GRAY.
University of Minnesota.