seemed to take it all as a matter of course, put forth his reasons for decisive action as follows:

"I have been waiting for the great European war for five years now, knowing that it will settle once and for all the Eastern Question. Ever since 1876 we have been told that it is imminent, and I have been holding on, but I do not really see that it is much nearer now than then. There are no tangible signs given by the Great Powers of anything but an immense desire for peace at any price-the price to be paid by the small fry! They can afford to wait and sacrifice us while they are getting ready; but our point of view is different. It is for this reason that I foresee that if nobody will help us we shall be forced to make a bid for our independence, for we cannot continue the game of patience much longer, with our hands tied, while Russia is actively undermining the roots of our national liberty.

army.

I shall not tell anybody exactly when I shall take the step. It will not be this year, except under unbearable pressure. We can resist for three years longer, perhaps even for five, without recognition of the Prince or independence, but it would be a perpetual struggle and watch. You must understand that it is not for the Prince, nor the Government, nor the people that I must declare. It is for the Prince Alexander fell through shutting his eyes to the possibility of treason. Two months before his abdica. tion I was with him at Tirnovo, and he expressed his fears of a revolt among the population of Eastern Roumelia. 'Sire,' I answered, there neither is, nor ever will be, danger from the people. It is from the army that you may look for it.' He turned his back upon me in anger, declaring his children' would never be false to him. He was always repeating his faith in his children.' Afterward, when we two were seated in the victoria which was conveying him on his last journey out of Bulgaria, I reminded him of our talk. He hid his face in his hands, and muttered: Ah! yes, you were right, and knew them better than I did; but I could never have believed it.''

Continuing from my notes I find him saying, in discussing the evidence brought to light at the Panitza trial: "The first thing I heard on my return from Philippopolis was that a letter from Zankoff had

been found among the papers of the old man Kissimoff, Chancellor of the Red Cross Society. It is curious how he could keep such a compromising document, after the arrest of his son only four or five days previously. It reminds me of the time when I was an exile in Roumania, and I knew a notorious bandit who had committed numberless murders. He always carried about him, in a back pocket, a dagger with which he had killed fourteen people. I once asked him what was the good of doing so, as it might serve as evidence against him some day. He answered that truly it was no good to him, but it brought him good luck. Just so, also, the other day we found a heap of Russian correspondence, neatly tied up and docketted, at Ozunoff's. When interrogated how he could be such a fool, he explained that he had thought perhaps the Russians might come some day, and they would prove how he had served them. Talking of Roumania brings back to me a comical scene which I once had in the Café Salis, at Bucharest. I was, with many other Bulgarians at that time, a political refugee, and one of the local papers published an article saying that all of us were either fugitives from motives of cowardice, or else traitors working against our country. This was exactly the opposite of the truth, as we had come there in order to work the better, as the result proved. At any rate, I demanded from the editor the name of the writer of the article in question, and he said he would give it me that evening at seven o'clock in the café. When he came though he refused to tell me, so I said: "Then you are responsible, and as I know if I challenged you to a duel you would not accept, I will force you to challenge me,' and struck him several times, ending up by spitting in his face. The orchestra stopped playing, and there was a great hubbub in the café, but I never heard any more from my editor. There are some affairs which need quicker reparation than any tribunals can give. I myself have four times challenged men to a duel, and each time publicly chastised them on their refusal."

With two more characteristic little speeches I will leave M. Stamboloff. The first was at the close of the Court Martial :

"I am vexed at the result of the Court

Martial. I myself went over all the papers, and know the dossier by heart, better than any of the lawyers or members of the court. If the men had done nothing I should not have sent them for trial. And then the Procureur coolly gets up and withdraws the charges against half of the prisoners. It is not his business to withdraw charges, forsooth! He has an indictment given to him by the War Minister, and he has to support it. He has no authority to withdraw accusations his Minister has made. And then the court, having before them a crew who openly avow that they intended to betray their oath and dethrone their Prince, condemn only one to death, and recommend a commutation of his sentence. They allow themselves to be moved to pity by the thought of Panitza's wife and children, and past services. But I, too, have services, and a wife and children! Am I for that reason to attempt to assassinate my superiors, to violate my oath, to risk throwing my country into a state of civil war, or into the arms of a foreign Power, and then, when I am found out just in time to stop me, to get up in public and say that I think I was right, but that if you want to punish me you must remember my family'?"

And the second was the day after Sir W. White passed through Sofia on leave of absence, and it was not deemed judicious for M. Stamboloff to meet him and travel in the same train :

"So your Ambassador is not allowed to speak to me. It is only another mark of the pariah brand Europe has set upon us. But it is about time to finish the play. I, for one, have had enough, and have just sent off our last Note to Turkey. She can do what she likes, but if she refuses to fulfil her duties toward us she will never see a penny of the next instalment of tribute. It is ridiculous that Russia's veto should be able to frighten all the Powers out of their senses, and prevent the recognition of our rights. At any rate I am not afraid-I never have been yet in my life to do what I thought I had a right to do. I am certain the Porte will never move actively against us. It would be very foolish if she did. She might suppress our first attempt at independence, but she could only do so at the alternative cost of throwing the country either more under the influence of the

Prince, or of Russia, probably the latter, and what would she gain by that?''

It was this Note, despatched in the middle of June, against the strong remon strances of most of the foreign diplomatic agents, and under a temporary impulse of anger, which has brought about the vastly improved relations which now exist with the Ottoman Porte. M. Stamboloff had always insisted on the expediency of some such quasi-ultimatum, but he had been held back by the counsels of the Powers, who feared the consequences of forcing Turkey's hand. It was only when he decided to act upon his own initiative that he proved how rightly he had judged the situation. As all the world knows, the Note was followed by the granting of Berats to the Bulgarian Bishops in Macedonia, and an immense increase, not easily calculated, of Bulgarian prestige, not only in that province but throughout the Balkans. Since that triumph all opposition to M. Stamboloff and his policy has practically ceased, and with the exception of occasional fretful Notes from Russia the political affairs of the Principality have progressed with excellent smoothness. As long as Bulgaria retains her remarkable Premier there is little fear for her future, but a larger measure of support from friendly Powers in the just, and truly Homeric, combat he sustains would render his task lighter, and go far toward postponing the prophesied Armageddon.

Two other well-known figures in Sofia are those of M. Isanoff and Dr. Strausky, both ex-Ministers of Foreign Affairs. I have already mentioned the former's visit to the Russian Legation on the day of the battle of Slivnitza. He has himself confirmed to me the story, and added that the perturbation which reigned that day was indescribable. There was some interruption in the telegraph service and no news had come in since noon. The Minister climbed the tower which stood by the office, and anxiously watched the cannon smoke rolling thickly over the plain. "At last," he said, "I could stand it no longer, and called the chief clerk, telling him that if he failed to get me news in a quarter of an hour he would be dismissed and punished. The fault was really not his, but he saw I was in no humor to be answered. Ten minutes later, however, came the message of victory from M. Stamboloff, and my clerk got a present

instead of punishment." Talking on another occasion of Prince Alexander's devotion to his army, M. Isanoff remarked, 66 It was always the Prince's weak point to trust too wholly those whom he believed to be his friends. Just before the Servian War I used to hold long conversations with him through the telegraph, and I was continually warning him of Servian preparations. His invariable reply was that it was all a blague' and that 'son cher ami' Milan could never be thinking of attacking him." M. Isanoff lives a quiet retired life, as in fact do all the ex-Ministers in Bulgaria, in this respect differing considerably from their fellows of other countries, who as soon as they are out of office generally devote their energies to attempting to regain it. Dr. Strausky, who resigned last year, was for some time Agent at Belgrade, and for three years all but a day or two held the Foreign Affairs portfolio, thus being, at the time of his retirement, the Minister who had longest kept his seat in this country of changes and revolutions. He is a man of taciturn disposition, but a close acquaintance with him always dispelled the unfavorable impression he was wont to create at first, and I believe everybody was sorry when he exchanged the cares of State for his favorite pursuit of horticulture, and his ministerial chair for the corner in the Café Panachoff where he is to be regularly seen at noon. One of his bon-mots will long be remembered at Sofia. It was when a Foreign Agent complained to him of the want of politeness of the Bulgarian Palace officials who had not returned his visit. Dr. Strausky pondered for an instant, stroking his long whiskers before replying, "Que voulezvous, monsieur! ce sont des Français !" In this connection I may remark, en passant, that the progress of years has brought no improvement, and that the household of Prince Ferdinand, who presumably exist for no other purpose than to be courteous and to teach the refinements of civilized society to the new Court, and through it to the people, are the most flagrant transgressors against the elementary usages of society. I refer principally to their almost invariable rule of neglecting to return visits, which is a small thing in itself, but which has gone very far to raise illfeeling and damage the reputation of the Palace. Probably the Prince is unaware

of their shortcomings, which contrast so unfavorably with the punctiliousness of Bucharest, and should these lines lead to a reformation, they will have rendered a signal service to His Royal Highness.

Turning now from Sofia to Belgrade, I may also begin my recollections with the street in which I lived. It leads from the Prince Michael street down to the Save, and is designated by position for one of the principal thoroughfares. It is, however, so abominably paved and so feebly lighted that few who are not forced to take that route ever enter upon its perils. As an instance of what its inhabitants were exposed to, I may relate the following anecdote. I had been passing the evening with some friends, among others being the Belgian Attaché. midnight we were returning when we heard shots fired in the distance, but thought little of the fact. Ten minutes after I had entered, M. B. rushed into my room crying that murder was being committed outside, and related that as he had turned the corner he had heard a hue and cry, and had commenced to run in the darkness.

About

A bullet soon whistled past

him, but he managed to gain our door, which luckily happened to be open. We both went into the front room overlooking the street, and saw a small knot of men standing round the opposite doorway. One of the doors was open inward. After a short consultation, they knocked at the window, and an old woman handed them out a candle. One of the men then held the candle behind the door while a second coolly thrust the muzzle of his rifle in and fired. The shot was followed by a groan, and then a body was dragged out, heels first, and deposited with ribald jests in the road. It proved to be that of an Austrian subject, a harmless, inoffensive individual who was drunk, and had lain down to sleep in the first shelter he had found. There is very little doubt that had M. B. found our door shut and hidden himself as he first intended behind the opposite door, he would have met the same fate. No satisfaction was ever given, and in spite of our combined testimony and that of other eye-witnesses, the local papers appeared with an account of the capture of a desperate brigand who had been killed while defending himself against the police, whose courage and vigilance were highly extolled. Such were the delights

of residence in the Balkanska Ulitza, a predestined lair for cut-throats and excuse for murder. The principal personages in Servia, apart from the royal family, are of necessity the Regents and Ministers. The first Regent, M. Lovan Ristitch, has a great reputation for statesmanship and is commonly known as the Little Bismarck. At least he possesses what most of his colleagues and subordinates lack, namely, at certain amount of experience. He had already directed the destinies of Servia for thirteen years as Regent during King Milan's minority, and as his Prime Minister, before being again called to the Regency. On the whole he directed them well, and the lesson he seems to have learned best is that of keeping himself as much as possible in the background, except on great emergencies. Being in receipt of what for Servia is an enormous salary, and endowed with a thrifty not to say avaricious temperament, he is scarcely likely to endanger a comfortable position by any too vigorous initiative.

General Belimarkovitch has held ministerial portfolios before with varying degrees of credit and otherwise, having once been impeached before the Skupshtina for malversation as Minister of War. He is a bon vivant, and fond of such inferior public amusements as Belgrade affords, so that anybody who can face the stifling atmosphere of a café where a strolling company may happen to be performing, is tolerably sure of finding the Regent, with a pot of beer before him, enjoying the play and ogling the players. His amorous propensities have occasionally given rise to public scandals, but the populace of Bel grade are indulgent to vice in high places, and such incidents create ery fleeting impressions which are quickly forgotten.

The third Regent, General Protitch, is best known through his wife, to whose fascinations, and his own east and accommodating temper, rumor ascribes his rapid advancement in rank and his present poOf the Ministers I with white ving been in frequent ocntan uh most of the Calimen, bai refrain from thin that der are on the and rest, but w

interested third parties. They have little dignity or sense of responsibility, and allow themselves to be swayed by the mob in a way which was neatly put to me once by a diplomatist who knows them well. I was searching for an article in the Constitution when he came up and laughingly cried, "My dear fellow, do not trouble your head about it: it is very simple. There are only three articles. Article I. The Regents do what the Ministers please; Article II. The Ministers do what the Skupshtina pleases; and Article III. The Skupshtina does what it pleases. There you have the whole Law and the Prophets. And since the abdication of King Milan the above represents the fashion in which Servia is governed accurately enough.

In common with the Bulgars, the Serbs have a rooted mistrust, generally amounting to dislike, of foreigners. But while in the case of the former it arises rather from a shyness of displaying inferiority, with the latter it springs from a defiant spirit of at least equality. I bave heard a learned and cultured Bulgar modestly say, "We are not so intelligent and quickwitted as the Serbs, but we reflect more, and we are always ready to listen and learn." I have never heard even the most ignorant Serb confess his inferiority to any man living. It will naturally be understood that I am speaking of the masses of middle class society. In the higher classes, both at Sofia and Belgrade, foreigners are made welcome, and will often find their hosts better informed than themselves. It is in the houses of these leaders of progress that a stranger wil experience the freest and pleasantest hospitality, a mixture of the desert welcome of the Bedouin with the comfort and retinement of Europe. The pity is that there are so few of them. The majority of the population of Belgrade appear to pass their lives in the inhumeral lè cafes which lire the streets, going from one to the other at stated times, and with such regaCarter that it is much surer to seek an individas at his favorite haurt than at lis ce or his home. As a logical consequence it may be imagined that the vice of drunkenness is very rie in Balmaria zo one is allowed to intoxicate himself til ertening upon old age, and any young sold transgress this trailton would be seriously disgraced. As a mat