THE NOMINATING CONVENTIONS AT OF 1912 but in the end calm deliberation prevails and after forty-six ballots a Presidential nomination is made that wins at once a more general approval, within and without the party, than has been accorded to any Democratic nomination since the Civil War. The Baltimore Convention of 1912 takes its place in history beside the Baltimore conventions of the antebellum period. It marks an era. T Chicago in June, 1912: Ten thousand terests behind them are openly defied on determined Americans, ranged in two the convention floor; riot is threatened, hostile camps, yet assembled under one roof; the opposing clans still known by a common party name, although for the one "Republicanism" has a wholly different meaning from that which it bears for the other; in external features, in outward form and semblance, a National Republican Convention, the fifteenth quadrennial gathering of the series which began in 1856 with the nomination of Frémont; in spite of the clash of opinion and It was indeed an historic fortnight. From the collision of conflicting it may be dated, in years to come, a realignwills, a body bent to the very ment in American party politics. The Relast on preserving the old publicans at Chicago and the Democrats American fetish of party at Baltimore, consciously or unconsciously, regularity; yet quickly find- were forming new groups for political action ing its differences irreconcil- and developing new types of leadership. able and finally concluding Neither of the two great parties can remain its business without an at- the same in make-up and ideals that it was tempt to secure harmonious before the conventions of 1912. action, naming its candidates with no hint of hope for sucVICTOR ROSEWATER cess in the election, and dissolving amid portents of dissension such as no party in American politics has faced since 1860. ORDER Furthermore, the nominating convention itself, as a party institution, cannot hereafter play the part in our political life that it has played for nearly a century. It is everywhere recognized that the elaborate At Baltimore one week later: Fifteen thousand Democrats rallying under the standard and cheering the words of Thomas Jefferson; convention system, inspired with the first clear promise of vic--the handiwork of tory in twenty years, yet divided in counsel, generations of adept distrusting their own leaders. The old, politicians,-is cynical prediction that the party can always threatened with anbe trusted to throw away its opportunity nihilation. Within a seems likely to be verified again. Here, as at year the Presidential Chicago, the bosses and the interests are preference primary active; instead of two in a dozen States has candidates a halfupset local bosses, dozen are presented, smashed party maand the one who has chinery, and taught large bodies of voters the value of direct expression in the choice of candidates. The old methods are looked upon as outworn and unfitted for modern use. Again and again it had been the greatest strength at the start gradually loses votes because the support of his candidacy is brought under suspicion. Representatives of "predatory wealth" are attacked by name in the convention. Both the bosses and the in JOHN MAYNARD HARLAN THE MAN WITH THE BRASS ELIHU ROOT THE CHAMPION declared that the national conventions of 1912 would be the last of their kind. Considered merely as a spectacle, the Chicago convention well repaid those who journeyed from the far corners of the nation to witness it; but most of the spectators,-who constituted four-fifths of the Coliseum's pop SERENO E. PAYNE The visitor from Mars would have detected this new spirit of public service in ulation, forgot the country best"; but the politicians never took purely spectacular fea- the saying seriously. One felt at Chicago tures of the occasion; that a good many young Republicans who their interest lay deeper. are fighting in the ranks are ready to accept The things that made that maxim as something more than an the Republican conven- academic precept. They are ready to put tions of 1860, 1880, and country above party. 1884 memorable gatherings were not wholly lacking in Chicago in 1912, but other elements were present the Chicago convenwhich gave a novel as- tion, even if he had pect to the proceedings not heard the word and differentiated this "Progressive," or from all preceding "Chicago conventions." known the meaning Everyone noted the youthful appearance of the term in our of the Chicago delegates. Few of them, it is politics. He would safe to assume, had personal recollections have found young of national politics antedating the Blaine- men from many Cleveland campaign of 1884. It is probable States demanding new leadership. He would that to many of the candidates Blaine him- have learned, too, why the demand was so self had become as shadowy a figure as Henry insistent; for he would have seen the conClay or Thomas H. Benton. It was a new vention controlled by men who were adroit generation of Republicans that gathered at manipulators, rather than leaders,-men Chicago. Where were the old soldiers, so who "played the game" according to the numerous in former days? So few were they rules of a past generation and gloried in that the occasional G. A. R. button almost "standing pat." caused a start of surprise. Not only was the Republican delegate a young man; he bore the marks of prosperity. You would guess that in his home town he kept an automobile and played golf at the country club. Undaunted even by Chicago hotel rates, some of the delegates were accompanied by their womenkind, and clearer indication of a good bank balance could not be desired. SOS BILL FLINN OF PENN WHO IS ALWAYS LOOKING SIDNEYMITA This was not the first time that a National Committee had organized a convention and used it for the accomplishment of its own purposes; it was not the first time that delegates had been seated by tactics that were denounced from the floor as unfair. Men have always resorted to practices in politics that in any other relation in life would be condemned as unethical. What distinguished the convention of 1912 from all its predeLeaving out of account those soldiers of cessors was the strong calcium light that was fortune of various complexions from the thrown on the whole procedure. The public Southern States who has had a look behind have been the bane of the scenes and it now every Republican con- knows how a convenvention since the Civil tion can be organized, War, the "profes- under the "rules of sional" delegate, the the game," in the inman who gets his liv- terest of a certain caning from politics, was didacy. It is all simnot much in evidence. ple enough. The NaIn some of the State tional Committee delegations he was makes up the tempoconspicuous for his rary roll of delegates. absence. It was good In all cases of contestto see large bodies of ed seats those contesdelegates who were obviously animated by a tants who favor the higher ideal of public service than the old candidacy in question spoils-hunting motive. It was a Republican are placed on the President, a generation ago, who declared roll; all others are JAMESE WATSON OF comes to the actual organization of the convention the seated delegates, however questionable may be their titles to seats, all have votes. It might be assumed by the inexpert that in the ultimate decision on these contested seats only those delegates should vote whose titles were uncontested. This might be a reasonable rule in ordinary affairs, but in politics it is not "practical." It might lead to the loss of enough seats to imperil the candidacy that has the National Committee's support. The rule, therefore, is: Seat your own men and then vote them; they may be relied on to vote in their own interest. This was the rule followed at Chicago and it worked. Hours running into days were spent in dumb-show pretense of dealing with conFrom the time that the vote was taken on tested seats. The whole rigmarole amounted the temporary chairmanship, the roll being to this: The Committee on Credentials (owcalled as made up by the National Committee ing its existence to "tainted" votes) reports and all contests being ignored, it was clear that the members of a certain State delegathat nothing short of a complete reorganiza- tion as named by the National Committee tion of the convention would prevent the are rightfully entitled to seats and should be renomination of President Taft. Senator placed on the permanent roll of the conven OF NEW YORK TIGHT TAFT Root, selected by the tion. A minority of the Credentials ComNational Committee mittee is permitted to make a brief statement for temporary chair- setting forth charges of fraud or unfair dealman, received 588 ing in the seating of certain of the members, votes and Governor or all of them, and showing that other persons McGovern, of Wiscon- are rightfully entitled to the seats in quessin, 522. This slender tion. On motion of Floor Leader Watson majority was secured this minority report is laid on the table; the through the votes of majority report is then adopted and the condelegations from vention takes a recess to enable the CredenDemocratic States, tials Committee to prepare a report on conwhere the Republican tests in another State; when that is ready organization, in the the same ceremony is reenacted. The mawords of Chairman jority report always favors the "ins"; the Rosewater, "is chiefly "outs" have only the a paper organization, dubious satisfaction maintained by federal of getting their cases office-holders and presented in reports those who aspire to federal office, together that are laid on the with a few negro Republicans, who are not table before the ink permitted to cast a ballot in the election." is dry. Usually all The great Republican States of Pennsyl- this is done by viva vania, Illinois, Ohio, Minnesota, Kansas, voce vote. When a Nebraska, California helped to make up the roll-call is demanded minority vote. The representatives of these the division varies Progressive Republican States, which had only slightly from only recently spoken so emphatically through that on the tempothe primaries, were outvoted in the conven- rary chairmanship. tion by a combination of Southern delegates, The "outs" never get delegates from territories and possessions much nearer their having no electoral vote, and delegates whose right to seats in the convention was in dispute. This result was brought about under cover of precedent and rule. The National Committee showed the party how it could SHALL THE PEOPLE JOHNSON OF seats than Governor McGovern did to the chair. The process grows monotonous. Two Taft men, the story runs, were discussing the attitude of a well-known National Committeeman a fortnight before the ulation, forgot the country best"; but the politicians never took purely spectacular fea- the saying seriously. One felt at Chicago tures of the occasion; that a good many young Republicans who their interest lay deeper. are fighting in the ranks are ready to accept The things that made that maxim as something more than an the Republican conven- academic precept. They are ready to put tions of 1860, 1880, and country above party. 1884 memorable gath- The visitor from erings were not wholly Mars would have delacking in Chicago in tected this new spirit 1912, but other ele- of public service in ments were present the Chicago convenwhich gave a novel as- tion, even if he had pect to the proceedings not heard the word and differentiated this "Progressive," or from all preceding "Chicago conventions." known the meaning Everyone noted the youthful appearance of the term in our of the Chicago delegates. Few of them, it is politics. He would safe to assume, had personal recollections have found young. of national politics antedating the Blaine- men from many Cleveland campaign of 1884. It is probable States demanding new leadership. He would that to many of the candidates Blaine him- have learned, too, why the demand was so self had become as shadowy a figure as Henry insistent; for he would have seen the conClay or Thomas H. Benton. It was a new vention controlled by men who were adroit generation of Republicans that gathered at manipulators, rather than leaders,-men Chicago. Where were the old soldiers, so who "played the game" according to the numerous in former days? So few were they rules of a past generation and gloried in that the occasional G. A. R. button almost "standing pat." caused a start of surprise. Not only was the Republican delegate a young man; he bore the marks of prosperity. You would guess that in his home town he kept an automobile and played golf at the country club. Undaunted even by Chicago hotel rates, some of the delegates were accompanied by their womenkind, and clearer indication of a good bank balance could not be desired. BOSS BILL FLINN OF PENN SIDNEY SMIT This was not the first time that a National Committee had organized a convention and used it for the accomplishment of its own purposes; it was not the first time that delegates had been seated by tactics that were denounced from the floor as unfair. Men have always resorted to practices in politics that in any other relation in life would be condemned as unethical. What distinguished the convention of 1912 from all its predeLeaving out of account those soldiers of cessors was the strong calcium light that was fortune of various complexions from the thrown on the whole procedure. The public Southern States who has had a look behind have been the bane of the scenes and it now every Republican con- knows how a convenvention since the Civil tion can be organized, War, the "profes- under the "rules of sional" delegate, the the game," in the inman who gets his liv- terest of a certain caning from politics, was didacy. It is all simnot much in evidence. ple enough. The NaIn some of the State tional Committee delegations he was makes up the tempoconspicuous for his rary roll of delegates. absence. It was good In all cases of contestto see large bodies of ed seats those contesdelegates who were obviously animated by a tants who favor the higher ideal of public service than the old candidacy in question spoils-hunting motive. It was a Republican are placed on the President, a generation ago, who declared roll; all others are WHO JAMESE WATSON OF INDIANA WHO HELPED GOV.HADLEY START THE BIG NOISE comes to the actual organization of the convention the seated delegates, however questionable may be their titles to seats, all have votes. It might be assumed by the inexpert that in the ultimate decision on these contested seats only those delegates should vote whose titles were uncontested. This might be a reasonable rule in ordinary affairs, but in politics it is not "practical." It might lead to the loss of enough seats to imperil the candidacy that has the National Committee's support. The rule, therefore, is: Seat your own men and then vote them; they may be relied on to vote in their own interest. This was the rule followed at Chicago and it worked. Hours running into days were spent in dumb-show pretense of dealing with conFrom the time that the vote was taken on tested seats. The whole rigmarole amounted the temporary chairmanship, the roll being to this: The Committee on Credentials (owcalled as made up by the National Committee ing its existence to "tainted" votes) reports and all contests being ignored, it was clear that the members of a certain State delegathat nothing short of a complete reorganiza- tion as named by the National Committee tion of the convention would prevent the are rightfully entitled to seats and should be renomination of President Taft. Senator placed on the permanent roll of the conven NEW YORK TIGHT F TAPT SHALL THE PEOPLE RULE!! Root, selected by the tion. A minority of the Credentials ComNational Committee mittee is permitted to make a brief statement for temporary chair- setting forth charges of fraud or unfair dealman, received 588 ing in the seating of certain of the members, votes and Governor or all of them, and showing that other persons McGovern, of Wiscon- are rightfully entitled to the seats in quessin, 522. This slender tion. On motion of Floor Leader Watson majority was secured this minority report is laid on the table; the through the votes of majority report is then adopted and the condelegations from vention takes a recess to enable the CredenDemocratic States, tials Committee to prepare a report on conwhere the Republican tests in another State; when that is ready organization, in the the same ceremony is reenacted. The mawords of Chairman jority report always favors the "ins"; the Rosewater, "is chiefly "outs" have only the a paper organization, dubious satisfaction. maintained by federal of getting their cases office-holders and presented in reports those who aspire to federal office, together that are laid on the with a few negro Republicans, who are not permitted to cast a ballot in the election." The great Republican States of Pennsylvania, Illinois, Ohio, Minnesota, Kansas, Nebraska, California helped to make up the minority vote. The representatives of these the division varies Progressive Republican States, which had only slightly from only recently spoken so emphatically through that on the tempothe primaries, were outvoted in the conven- rary chairmanship. tion by a combination of Southern delegates, The "outs" never get delegates from territories and possessions much nearer their having no electoral vote, and delegates whose seats than Governor right to seats in the convention was in dispute. This result was brought about under cover of precedent and rule. The National Committee showed the party how it could table before the ink JOHNSON OF McGovern did to the chair. The process grows monotonous. Two Taft men, the story runs, were discussing the attitude of a well-known National Committeeman a fortnight before the |